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Full text of "Arena magazine - Volume 13"

THE ARENA. 



EDITED BY B. O. FLOWER. 



vol. xin. 



PUBLISHED BT 

ARENA PUBLISHING CO, 

Boston, Mass. 
1895. 



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Copyrighted, 1886, 
By the ARENA PUBLISHING CO 



The Pinkham Pbbbs, 289 Congress St., Boston. 



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CONTENTS. 

Paob 

Winter Days in Florida ....... B. O. Floweb 1 

First Steps in Nationalism Solomon Schindleb 26 

The British House of Commons .... Marcus J. Wright 31 

Boston Schools and Teachers . Author of " Preston Papers " 88 

The Psychic and the Spiritual . . . Margaret B. Peeks 48 

Mr. Bland and a New Party . . . An Ex-Democrat of Missouri 50 

Prostitution Within the Marriage Bond . . B. O. Flower 59 

An Epoch and a Book John Clark Ridpath 74 

Laws Governing the Age of Consent in Canada . E. W. Smith 88 

Are the People of the West Fanatics? .... J. K. Miller 92 
Monopoly, Militia, and Man, as Revealed in the Brooklyn Trolley Strike, 

Emil Richter 98 

The People's Lamps Prof. Frank Parsons 118 

Shall Our Young Men Study in Paris ? . . .An American Girl 131 

Two Beasts Grace Shaw Duff 135 

Books of the Day 138 

Hudson's Duality of Mind Disproved . . Rev. T. E. Allen 177 

The Universal Church A. Taylor 185 

The Spanish Peninsula (Century of Sir Thomas More), B. O. Flower 192 

Outline of a New Philosophy of Money . . . Anson J. Webb 199 

Symposium : Age-of-Consent Legislation 209 

Hon. C. H. Robinson, Hon. J. E. Rowen, 
Hon. Z. H. Gurlet, Hon. A. C. Tompkins, 
Hon. Will H. Lyons. 
Wendell Phillips: A Character Study . . . Richard J. Hinton 226 
The Right of the Child considered in the Light of Heredity and Pre- 
natal Influence B. O. Flower 243 

A Story of Psychical Communication .... Lilian Whiting 263 

Napoleon: A Sketch with a Purpose .... John Davis 271 
Social Problems, Representative Women on. Is the Single Tax Enough ? 
(Symposium.) 

Sarah Mifflin Gay 284 

Frances E. Russell 286 

Lona I. Robinson 411 

Altona A. Chapman 413 

Frances E. Russell 418 

ill 



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IV THE ARENA. 

Paob 

.Child-Life and the Kindergarten .... Frank B. Vbooman 229 

Fallen (Poem) Cecelia De Verb 830 

A Wife Manufactured to Order .... Alice W. Fuller 305 

The Light in the East (Poem) . . Allison Gardner Dbbrino 313 

Books of the Day 315 

A Battle for Sound Morality Helen H. Gardener 353 

The Telegraph in England Hon. Walter Clark 372 

An Arbitration Treaty between Great Britain and the United States, 

Prof. George H. Emmott 376 

The People's Lamps — Electric Light . . . Prof. Frank Parsons 381 

The August Present B. O. Flower 401 

Public Health and National Defence . . . Frank B. Vrooman 425 

Napoleon Bonaparte (Second Paper) . . . Hon. John Davis 439 

Human Destiny Rev. W. E. Manlby, D. D. 454 

The Middle Ground George Sidney Bobbins 472 

The Brotherhood of India . . . .A Member of the Order 478 

Rags Will Allen Dromooole 492 

A New Voice from the South M. L. Wells 503 

Brotherhood Annie L. Muzzey 507 

Books of the Day 508 

Index 527 



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ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Pag* 

John Clark Ridpath Opposite page 1 

Winter Scene on an Island in the Halifax 2 

The Tomoka River 3 

View of the Halifax River 5 

Tomoka Cabin 6 

Winter Scene on the Halifax Beach 7 

Winter Bathing on the Halifax Beach 8 

Moonlight on the Halifax Beach . . . . . . . . . 9 

Bathing and Clam Digging on the Halifax Beach .... 10 

The Gale of Oct. 10, 1894, on Halifax Beach 11 

River Road from Daytona to Holly Hill 12 

Beach Street, Daytona, Fla 15 

Volusia Avenue, Daytona, Fla 16 

Beach Street, Daytona, Fla 17 

Ridgewood Avenue, Daytona, Fla. 19 

Beach Street, Daytona, Fla 20 

The Palmetto in Blossom 21 

The Orange Blossom 28 

Magnolia Blossom 24 

Wendell Phillips Opposite page 177 

Hon. J. E. Rowen and W. H. Lyon " "209 

Levi P. Morton " "858 

Hon. George W. Brush, M. D 858 

Hon. Baxter C. Smelzer, M. D 855 

Hon. D. £. Ainsworth, of New York 855 

Senator Eugene F. O'Connor 857 

Miss Florence Fairview 859 

Hon. William C. Barnes, of Arizona 801 

Hon. Ancil Martin, M. D., of Arizona 861 

The State Seal of Arizona 802 

Hon. M. R. Moore, of Arizona 868 

Hon. Robert Keill, of Idaho 864 



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INDEX TO THE THIRTEENTH VOLUME OF 



THE AEENA. 



Age of Consent Legislation. (Sym- 
posium.) Hon. C. H. Robinson. 

Hon. Z. H. Gurley. Hon. J. E. 

Rowen. Hon. A. C. Tompkins. 

Hon. Will H. Lyons. 209. 
Allen. T. £., Hudson's Duality of 

Min4 Disproved. 177. 
American Girl. An, Shall our Young 

Men Study in Paris? 131. 
Arbitration Treaty between Great 

Britain and the United States. 876. 
August Present. The, 401. 
Battle for Sound Morality. A, 363. 
Beasts. Two, 136. 
Bland and a New Party. 60. 
Bonaparte. Napoleon, (First Paper.) 

271. (Second Paper.) 438. 
Boston Schools and Teachers. 88. 
British House of Commons. The, 

81. 
Brotherhood. (Poem.) 607. 
Brotherhood of India. The, 478. 
Chapman. Altona A., Is the Single 

Tax Enough? (Symposium.) 413. 
Child Life and the Kindergarten. 

292. 
Clark. Hon. Walter, The Telegraph 

in England. 872. 
Clark. James G., "Gerald Massey: 

Poet, Prophet and Mystic." (Book 

Review.) 511. 
Connolly. Margaret, Song Blossoms. 

(Book Review.) 153. 



Davis. John, Napoleon Bonaparte. 
(First Paper.) 271. (Second Pa- 
per.) 439. 

Dawley. Julia A., Young West. 
(Book Review.) 173. 

Deering. Allison Gardner, "The 
Light in the East" (Poem.) 818. 

Dromgoole. Will Allen, Rags. 492. 

Duff. Grace Shaw, Two Beasts. 136. 

Emmott. Prof. George H., An Arbi- 
tration Treaty between Great Bri- 
tain and the United States. 376. 

Epoch and a Book. An, 74. 

Ex-Democrat of Missouri. An, Bland 
and a New Party. 60. 

Fallen. (Poem.) 303. 

Flower. B. O., Winter Days in Flor- 
ida. 1. Prostitution within the 
Marriage Bond. 59. The Coming 
Revolution. (Book Review.) 138. 
The Spanish Peninsula. 192. The 
Right of the Child Considered in 
the Light of Heredity and Prenatal 
Influence. 243. The August Pres- 
ent 401. First Poems and Frag- 
ments. (Book Review.) 514. One 
Thousand Dollars a Day. (Book 
Review.) 518. 

Fuller, Alice W., A Wife Manufac- 
tured to Order. 306. 

Gardener. Helen H., A Battle for 
Sound Morality. 363. 



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528 



THE ARENA. 



Gay. Sarah Mifflin, Is the Single Tax 
Enough? (Symposium.) 284. 

Gurley. Hon. Z. H., Age of Consent 
Legislation. (Symposium.) 218. 

Hinton. Richard J., Wendell Phil- 
lips: A Reminiscent Study. 226. 

Human Destiny. 454. 

Knapp. Adeline, The Christian State. 
(Book Review.) 508. 

Laws Governing the Age of Consent 
in Canada. 88. 

Light in the East. The, (Poem.) 
813. 

Lyons. Hon. Will H., Age of Con- 
sent Legislation. (Symposium.) 
223. 

Manley, D. D. Rev. W. E., Human 
Destiny. 454. 

Member of the Order. A, The Broth- 
erhood of India. 478. 

Middle Ground, The, 472. 

Miller. J. R., Are the People of the 
West Fanatics? 92. 

Monopoly, Militia, and Man as Re- 
vealed in the Brooklyn Trolley 
Strike. 98. 

Muzzey. Annie L., Brotherhood. 
(Poem.) 507. 

Nationalism. First Steps in, 26. 

Outline of a New Philosophy of Money. 
199. 

Parsons. Prof. Frank, The People's 
Lamps. (First Paper.) 118. Sec- 
ond Paper.) 381. 

Peeke. Margaret B., The Psychic 
and the Spiritual. 43. 

People's Lamps. The, (First Paper.) 
118. (Second Paper.) 381. 

People of the West Fanatics? Are 
the, 92. 

Penn. Jonathan, The Story of a 
Canon. (Book Review.) 159. 
Enemies in the Rear. (Book Re- 
view.) 523. 

Phillips. Wendell, 226. 



"Preston Papers." Author of Bos- 
ton Schools and Teachers. 38. 

Prostitution within the Marriage 
Bond, 59. 

Psychic and the Spiritual The, 
43. 

Public Health and National Defence. 
424. 

Rags. 491. 

Richter. Emil, Monopoly, Militia, 
and Man as Revealed in the Brook- 
lyn Trolley Strike. 98. 

Ridpath. John Clark, An Epoch and 
a Book. 74. 

Right of the Child Considered in the 
Light of Heredity and Prenatal In- 
fluence. 243. 

Robbins. George Sidney, The Middle 
Ground. 472. 

Robinson. Hon. C. H., Age of Con- 
sent Legislation. (Symposium.) 
21L- 

Robinson. Lona I., Is the Single 
Tax Enough ? (Symposium.) 411. 

Rowen. Hon. J. E., Age of Consent 
Legislation. (Symposium.) 217. 

Russell. Frances E., Is the Single 
Tax Enough? (Symposium.) 286, 
418. 

Schindler. Solomon, First Steps in 
Nationalism. 26. 

Shall Our Young Men Study in Paris? 
131. 

Smith. E. W., Laws Governing the 
Age of Consent in Canada. 88. 

Social Problems: Representative 
Women on "Is the Single Tax 
Enough ? Sarah Mifflin Gay. 284. 
Frances E. Russell. 286. Lona I. 
Robinson. 411. Altona A. Chap- 
man. 413. Frances E. Russell. 
418. 

Taylor. A., The Universal Church. 

185.. 
Telegraph in England. The, 372. 



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INDEX. 



529 



Tompkins. Hon. A. C, Age of Con- 
sent Legislation. (Symposium.) 
220. 

Universal Church. The, 185. 

Vere. Cecelia De, Fallen. (Poem.) 
303. 

Voice from the South. A New, 
503. 

Vrooman. Frank B., Child Life and 
the Kindergarten. 292. Public 
Health and National Defence. 
425. 

Webb. Anson J., Outline of a New 
Ph ilosophy of Money. 199. 

Weils. M. L., A New Voice from the 
South. 503. 

Whiting. Lilian, A Story of Psy- 
chical Communication. 263. 

Wife Manufactured to Order. A, 
305. 

Winter Days in Florida. 1. 

Wright Marcus J., The British House 
of Commons. 31. 



Book Reviews. 
The Coming Revolution . . 138 
Song Blossoms .... 153 
The Story of a Canon . . .159 

Young West 173 

Enemies in the Rear . . . 175 
Pilate's Query . . . .315 
The Standard Oil Company as an 
Object Lesson for Thoughtful 

Americans 320 

Life's Story as Told by the Hand, 
as Interpreted by Cheiro the 

Palmist 329 

Aristopia 338 

A Market for an Impulse . . 347 
Gladstone: A Study from Life . 350 
The Power of Silence . . .351 
The Christian State . . .608 
Gerald Massey: Poet, Prophet 

and Mystic . . . .511 
First Poems and Fragments . 514 
One Thousand Dollars a Day . 518 
Enemies in the Rear . . 523 



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THE ARENA. 

No. LXVII. 



JUNE, 1895. 



WINTER DAYS IN FLORIDA. 



BY B. O. FLOWER. 



I am writing by an open window overlooking the Halifax 
River. On the opposite bank, somewhat to the left, is Daytona, 
while on the right is the picturesque hamlet of Holly Hill, 
both in full view. It is the 8th of March, and the weather is 
ideal; a delightful breeze has been blowing since daybreak; 
the air is soft and balmy as that of a June morning in the North. 

At eight o'clock this morning a small flotilla, consisting of two 
modest-sized steamboats, two naphtha launches, and a sail-boat, 
passed my window. They came from Daytona and were bound 
for a picturesque little fresh-water stream some distance north, 
which bears the quaint Indian name of Tomoka. The merry 
shouts and rollicksome laughter which came from the excursion- 
ists indicated that the multitudinous cares, anxieties, and sorrows 
which shadow life had been banished for a few hours, and that 
pleasure and the beauties of nature were to be enjoyed with that 
wholesome abandon which is seen only when man escapes from 
the thraldom of conventionalism and draws near to Nature. 

As these little vessels, freighted with human loves, hopes, and 
desires, passed from view, I involuntarily thought of that long- 
departed day when canoes, carrying the careless children of 
another race, passed to and fro over the slow-moving Halifax ; 
when the stalwart red man trod the sands by the sea, fished in 
the ocean and the river, gathered wild fruit, and hunted game in 
the forests. I thought of that distant day, now about four cen- 
turies removed, when excited warriors brought strange stories 
of the coming of wonderful men from over the sea, whose faces 
were white, whose clothing was gay as the flowers which car- 
peted the forests, and who claimed to be messengers of the 



Copyrighted 1895, by the Arena Publishing Co. 



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4 THE ARENA. 

Great Spirit. Doubtless some who heard these wonder stories 
shook their heads and laughed derisively, for human nature is 
the same in all- ages. Others there were who, wishing to probe 
the mystery, were impatient to march northward in search of 
the strangers, who, if found, were to be interrogated, that they 
might know whether the god-men came as friends or foes. 
There were lovers then as now upon the banks of the Halifax 
River ; and I doubt not that many an Indian maiden heard the 
strange rumor with mingled wonder and apprehension, followed 
by an oppressive, nameless dread, for woman's mind is ever 
more intuitive than man's. But gone are the hopes and fears of 
this people. And to-day only a small remnant of the race that 
hunted and fought over the flower-decked sands of Florida remains. 
The laughter and song of the old joyous times come to us as the 
perfume of their legends, and little more than tradition and 
story are left,* coupled with the quaint and oftentimes musical 
names which they gave to rivers, inlets, and streams. 

The Halifax River is in reality a tide- water lagoon of half a 
mile in width. Into its waters empty many fresh- water streams 
which are exceedingly beautiful. The Tomoka, to which I have 
alluded, is perhaps the most popular. Its channel is sufficiently 
deep to permit boats to run several miles up its narrow, serpen- 
tine course. At a picturesque landing a few miles from its 
mouth a large, delightful log-cabin, with an immense old- 
fashioned fireplace, has been built in the midst of a wild scene 
of tropical tangle- wood — almost a jungle. Here picnic parties 
may be seen almost daily in an abandon of natural enjoyment. 
Staid men of business and women of brilliancy and culture for- 
get the solemn dicta of conventionality and become boys and 
girls again for a few brief hours, it is impossible for pen or 
camera to do justice to the beauties of the Tomoka. And yet 
this stream is only one of many equally picturesque though less 
navigable which empty their fresh waters into the salty Halifax. 

Since the day Ponce de Leon landed in quest of the Fountain 
of Youth, Spain, France, England, and the Republic of the West 
have claimed, occupied, fought for, or sought by purchase to ob- 
tain this home of the magnolia, the orange, and the palm. And 
yet there are probably few places which at first sight are so dis- 
appointing to tourists as Florida. The absence of the closely 
knit grass sod of the North, and the omnipresent sand, impress 
the stranger very unfavorably. 

*A few only of Seminole Indians remain. They dwell chiefly in the extreme 
southern part of the inhabitable region of Florida. They are divided into small 
bands of a few scores in number, the small remnants of once mighty tribes. 
These bands are presided over by chiefs as in olden days, and the title in some 
cases seems to be handed down from father to son. Thus, one band is to-day ruled 
by Tallahassee, another acknowledges Tiger Tails, while the son of this chief is 
designated Little Tiger Tails. Sometimes they seem to borrow appellations from the 
white man which are more realistic and characteristic than romantic ; thus one of 
the chiefs bears the name of Billy Bowlegs. 



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12 THB ARENA. 

The winter of 1895 will long be remembered as a most disas- 
trous season to the Floridans, no less than it has proved disap- 
pointing to Northern tourists. The frosts, being the most severe 
known for over half a century, have wrought havoc not only 
with the more tropical fruits, but with all trees belonging to the 
citron family, and many other less tropical plants have suffered 
severely. The ever present groves of oranges, grape-fruit, limes, 
lemons, and citrons, guiltless of leaf, flower, or fruit, tell a tragic 
story of loss and ruin to patient, unremitting industry ; while for 
the tourist the state without the beauty of the orange trees, in 
their glory of leaf, flower, and fruit, is shorn of one of its chief 
attractions. 

On previous visits to Florida my most southern points were 
St. Augustine and Palatka. This winter I came to Daytona and 
the Halifax Peninsula. Here the destruction wrought by the 
frost is everywhere discernible, but it has failed to rob this 
region of its beauty. The tall palmetto, the gaunt live-oak, 
draped in southern moss, the bay, magnolia, and pine, together 
with numerous evergreens, shrubs, and underbrush, clothe the 
earth in green, and with the soft and balmy atmosphere make 
one unconscious that it is yet winter, and would enable us to 
forget the frosts of the past few months, were we not continually 
reminded of them by the bare branches of the orange, lemon, and 
lime trees, and the guava, oleander, and many other shrubs. 

Half a mile from where I am writing the waves of the ocean 
are beating against the most magnificent beach it has been 
my fortune to see. This morning I spent some time upon its 
warm white sands. There were enough clouds floating in the 
sky to prevent the sun from being unpleasant. A number of men 
and women were revelling in the delights of sea-bathing in water 
warmed by the Gulf Stream. 

The ocean ever exerts a strange, un definable, fascinating influ- 
ence over my mind. I never tire of watching its ever changing 
aspects or listening to its soft crooning, its impressive murmur- 
ing, its solemn warning, its mad threatening, and its measureless 
fury. To-day, after enjoying the pleasure of the sea-bathers, I 
seated myself upon the sand and yielded to the fascinating spell of 
the ocean, and as the lights and shadows fell upon the waves I was 
reminded of Victor Hugo's description of the sea, when an exile 
on the coast of Guernsey, and I felt the kinship of soul and the 
subtle relation of man to nature as those fine descriptive lines 
came into my mind in which the poet speaks of the ocean, " with 
its ebb and flood, the inexorable going and coming, the noise of 
all the winds, the blackness and translucency peculiar to the 
deep ; the democracy of the clouds in full hurricane ; the won- 
derful star risings, reflected in mysterious agitation by millions 



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14 THE ARENA. 

of luminous wave-tops — confused heads of the multitudinous 
sea — the prodigious sobbings, the half-seen monsters, the nights 
of darkness broken by howlings ; then the charm, the mildness, 
the gay white sails, the songs amid the uproar, the mists rising 
from the shore, the deep blue of sky and water, the useful as- 
perity, the bitter savor which keeps the world wholesome, the 
harsh salt without which all would putrefy ; that all-in-one, un- 
foreseen, and changeless ; the vast marvel of inexhaustibly varied 
monotony." I know of no finer characterization of the varying 
moods of the ocean than these graphic lines ; and if one is seated 
upon the beach or in view of the sea their full force comes home 
to the brain in an indescribably vivid manner. 

The beach, which extends along the Halifax Peninsula in one 
unbroken stretch for over twenty miles, is destined to be one of 
the most famous in the Western World. It is one long, contin- 
uous slope of smooth, white sand, so firmly packed by the incom- 
ing and outgoing waves that along the lower slopes it is almost 
as firm as an asphalt pavement, and thus affords unsurpassed 
facilities for driving and bicycling. At high tide, and especially 
after the sea has been rough, numerous many-tinted shells, from 
the nautilus and conch to the tiny sea clams, whose many tinted 
protecting cases are not unlike two petals of a dahlia's blossom, are 
strewn along the line which marks the water's highest limit ; but 
below, the sand is smooth and firm. Early dawn, the reflected 
glory of the sunsets, the moonlight effects, and the mystery which 
ever seems a part of the darkness of the deep are never-ending 
sources of pure delight to all artistic natures. I have seen 
nothing which equalled the splendor of the ocean and sky at 
such times, except at Ostend on the North Sea. 

But, while speaking of sunsets, I cannot forbear mentioning 
the gorgeous panoramas which I have witnessed almost nightly 
on the Halifax River. Here in the foreground we have the tall 
palmettos, so thoroughly tropical in their appearance, and the 
gaunt live-oaks, draped in southern moss, very beautiful, but pre- 
senting a somewhat weird appearance. Beyond lies the river, 
smooth as glass and half a mile in width, and on the further 
side the forests of palmetto, oak, pine, and other trees, inter- 
spersed with villas, and behind that the flame of the setting sun, 
varied from time to time with marvellous cloud effects; the 
wonderful reflections in the water, iridescent and luminous, re- 
vealing various shades of russet and gold, scarlet and crimson, 
silver and blue, — all combine to make scenes of beauty so 
•entirely transcending words that in their presence one desires 
silence, that the mind may yield to the exquisite pleasure and 
feel the mystic spell of the divine, inspired by these matchless 
symphonies of color. 



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18 THE ARENA. 

The sea- beach opposite Halifax, and due east of Daytona, 
affords delightful bathing all the year round. I noticed through 
February that the waters which are warmed by the Gulf Stream 
were of a delightful temperature, far warmer than I have known 
the Atlantic even in midsummer on the Massachusetts coast; 
and many persons availed themselves of the opportunities for 
surf-bathing. But this is an all-the-year-round beach ; it is rap- 
idly becoming the most popular summer resort for Floridans of 
means. For at Halifax, Sea Breeze, and Silver Beach, which 
extend along the Peninsula opposite Daytona, not only is the 
bathing all that could be desired, but the breezes from the ocean 
and the river keep the atmosphere delightfully tempered in summer 
and render the nights invariably cool and refreshing. This is the 
universal testimony of all who have summered here. 

A very interesting colony of liberal-minded thinkers is being 
established at Halifax, under the direct auspices of Helen Wil- 
man Post, the well-known leader of the evolutionary school of 
metaphysical thinkers; Mr. C. C. Post, the able author of 
" Driven from Sea to Sea," " Congressman Swanson," and other 
thoughtful social and economic studies ; and Mr. C. A. Ballough, 
a fine large-hearted nature, whose sincerity and frankness are only 
equalled by his passion for justice. These people are building 
what will probably some day be known as the " City Beautiful," 
with broad avenues and boulevards, made hard with shells, 
grassed on either side and lined with palmettos and other sub- 
tropical trees. The experiment is unique, and will I believe re- 
sult in bringing to this wonderfully favored spot many men and 
women of culture and refinement, whose taste and means will 
further beautify the place, which is inviting in summer and winter 
alike, and upon which nature has bestowed so much in the way 
of beauty and attractiveness. 

Daytona lies one mile from the ocean, on the west bank of the 
Halifax. It is reached from the beach by fine shell driveways 
which cross the half mile of the Peninsula and two bridges which 
span the river. Of Daytona it is difficult to say too much when 
describing the beauty of the place. I have never seen a town 
of like size which impressed me as being so beautiful. Its 
houses, for the most part, evince excellent taste. They are 
modern, and are kept well-painted and in first-class repair. In 
these respects it contrasts most favorably with the majority of 
Southern towns; and its streets and some of the roads lead- 
ing from the town are made of marl or shells and consequently 
are smooth and hard. A strip of land grassed and carpeted with 
wild flowers extends between the street-way and the sidewalk, and 
along these are planted palms, live-oaks, magnolia, and other ever- 
green trees. I know of no boulevard more bewitchingly beauti- 



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THE PALMETTO IN BLOSSOM. 



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22 THE ARENA. 

ful than Ridge wood Avenue in Daytona, with its great live-oaks, 
heavily draped in Southern moss, its palmettos, magnolias, and 
other varieties of semi-tropical trees, which form a deeply shaded 
vista, while on either side are beautiful and well-kept homes. 
Volusia Avenue, and indeed all the streets excepting Beach, 
where at present extensive improvements are being made on the 
water front, are models of neatness and as beautiful as they are 
striking to the Northern eye, unaccustomed to tropical vege- 
tation. 

Before closing this paper I must say a word about the flow- 
ers and fruits for which Florida is justly noted. The varieties 
of flowering trees and shrubs, as magnolia, orange, palmetto, 
and oleander, are very numerous, and though the sands of this 
state are unfriendly to most kinds of grasses, it can truthfully 
be said that they favor the multitudinous flowers of many colors 
and gorgeous hues which flourish in wood and field. On the 
Halifax Peninsula the chief fruits have been the orange, lime, 
lemon, grape-fruit, citrons, kumquat, guava, mulberry, Japanese 
plums, strawberries, mulberries, peaches, pears, and grapes. 
Some pineapples and bananas are also raised here, but these 
flourish better further south, where are found in abundance the 
cocoanut and bread-fruit. 

Florida has been frequently termed the Italy of America. I 
do not think the points of resemblance are sufficient to warrant 
the appellation. Both lands are peninsulas, extending south- 
ward ; each can lay claim to a mild and genial climate, pro- 
tected from the severity of the northern blasts, and tempered in 
summer by the ocean breezes; each can boast of being the home 
of the citron family and other semi-tropical fruits ; but when we 
come to note the points of difference between the peninsula 
which has so largely moulded our present civilization and our 
own Land of Flowers, I think we shall find far more instances 
in which they are radically unlike than those in which there is 
any substantial likeness. Yet each holds charms peculiar to it- 
self, and, with regard to Florida, I think it is safe to say that 
in spite of her recent disaster her star is rising. 

I will close this sketch with a charming little poem written 
by Mr. C. C. Post and entitled 

MOONLIGHT OX THE HALIFAX. 

Night on the river. The moon rides high. 
The sea-breeze whispers, the pine trees sigh, 

The reeds on the river banks are aquiver, 
Aud the clouds are like dreams in the moonlit sky. 
A girdle of diamonds In silver set. 
Crossed and 'broidered with bands of jet. 
From the other shore where the palm-trees stand 
Is clasped at my feet by the shining sand. 



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FLOWERS OF FLORIDA. THE ORAXGR BLOSSOM. 



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FLOWERS OF FLORIDA. MAGNOLIA BLOSSOMS. 



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WINTER DAYS IN FLORIDA. 25 

And over the waters of silver and jet, 
And between the banks where the palm-trees rise, 
Float other clouds, like the clouds in the skies- 
Float white-winged boats with their light sails set. 
And lovers clasp hands 'neath the white sails set, 
' And loves are told, and a beautiful dream 

Of life afloat on love's beautiful stream 
Is dreamed, as they sail through the silver and jet 

And I say it is well that the moon rides high; 
Well that fleecy clouds fleck the moonlit sky; 
That the river is banded, with diamonds set, 
Embossed and embroidered in silver and jet; 
Well that tall palms on its banks arise; 
Well that the pine tree whispers and sighs; 
That the tide lifts up, with its furtherest reach, 
Its lips, to the shells on the shining beach; 
That lovers, afloat on its waters, seem 
Forever afloat on love's beautiful stream— 
And 'tis well that I sit by the river and dream. 



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FIRST STEPS TO NATIONALISM. 



BY SOLOMON SCHINDLEE. 



We are told, by people who have frequently crossed African 
or Asiatic deserts, or voyaged upon southern seas, that they 
were time and again deceived by wonderful visions. They 
would suddenly behold, at a short distance, a beautiful landscape 
or a large city; they would distinctly see the trees and mead- 
ows, the towers and temples, the streets, yea, the people walk- 
ing in them ; or they would see a ship apparently running 
right through their vessel. The legend of the " Flying Dutch- 
man " is founded upon the impression which that very vision 
made upon sailors. As suddenly as these objects appeared before 
their eyes they would vanish, while the mystified traveller, who 
was trying to reach them, was wandering miles from his outlined 
course. 

This optical illusion, known as the Fata Morgana, is, as 
science explains it, the picture or mirage of some distant object, 
thrown by a reflection of the rays of the sun upon the heated 
atmosphere of a vast expanse, such as is a desert or the sea. How- 
ever, while the vision, as it appears before the eye of the travel- 
ler or voyager, is a delusion, the thing which it represents is* not 
a fiction ; it exists in fact, though not on the spot where the 
puzzled tourist thinks of finding it. If he could and would 
measure the angle of the rays that bring the picture to him and 
follow it to its distant source, he could surely count upon reach- 
ing the real object of his vision. 

The " new nation " which nationalists (or socialists, if you 
please) see, apparently at a short distance, is unreal only in so 
far as the nearness of its place in time is concerned ; but it does 
exist, and is as real as are the objects, the pictures of which the 
Fata Morgana carries to a distant place. A new social order is 
evolving; he who has eyes can see it (unless he chooses to 
close them) in the concentration of trusts, syndicates, and 
on the other; in the establishment of immense business con- 
monopolies on the one hand, and the formation of labor-unions 
cerns, where all articles needed for the comfort of the people, 
from a needle to an anchor* are exhibited for sale ; in the con- 
struction of modern buildings heated by one stove, lighted 



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FIRST STEP8 TO NATIONALISM, 27 

by one lamp, cleansed by one janitor, and in which the tenants 
can take their meals at one table; and last, not least, in the 
position of independency from the support of the male sex 
which the female sex is conquering for itself. 

Small wonder that, like the traveller in the desert or the voy- 
ager on the sea, the ones who see all this will impatiently push 
forward towards that better time, and deceive themselves with 
the hope that they will reach these conditions after a few dec- 
ades ; small wonder that they think it would require but some 
act of legislation to change at once this battle-field of individual 
strife and competition, in which the weak are ruthlessly trampled 
under foot, into a heaven of peace in which all will work 
sociably for one and one for all. 

As it is wellnigh impossible to measure the angle of the rays 
which carry the Morganaic pictures in order to follow them to 
their source, so it is wellnigh impossible to forestall all the 
thousands of conditions which, in the process of social evolu- 
tion, must simultaneously change to bring forth the "new 
nation." It is, therefore, somewhat of a miscalculation when the 
disciples of Henry George hope that the introduction of a single 
tax will lead to the millennium ; or when the followers of Edward 
Bellamy (myself included) maintain that the nationalization of 
railroads, of electricity in all its branches, of insurance, in a 
word, of what are called natural monopolies, are the first steps 
towards nationalism. All these measures are secondary if not 
tertiary steps ; the angle of deflection is a much wider one, and 
the realization of a' new and improved social order must be 
sought for at a much greater distance. 

Social conditions — laws included — are only outward mani- 
festations of the state of culture to which people have risen. 
They change with the principles at which people arrive. If the 
masses were ripe to-day for a new social order, that order would 
be established in a trice. Our opponents have therefore good 
cause to taunt us with the question, "If — as you claim — people 
are so desirous of a change of conditions, why do they not dem- 
onstrate that fact at the polls? They have the privilege of send- 
ing whom they please to Congress or into the legislative bodies 
of state or municipality ; why do they not avail themselves of 
their opportunities on election day ? " 

Let us concede the fact that the masses are not yet ripe for a 
change of conditions; hence the very first step towards nation- 
alism must be a long and protracted educational and not apoliti- 
cal campaign. Impatient nationalists will inevitably share the 
fate of the travellers who rush towards the vision held out to 
them by the Fata Morgana ; they will lose their course entirely, 
and will have to retrace their steps at a great loss of time. A 



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28 THE ARENA. 

great many things will have to be unlearned, and a number of 
new lessons will have to be patiently drilled into the minds of 
people, before they will be ripe to take matters into their own 
hands and go even the length of nationalizing railroads, tele- 
graphs, etc. I will enumerate a few of the things to be learned 
or unlearned, and in doing so, follow rather the analytical than 
the synthetic method. 

Although the question has been discussed almost ad nauseam 
since the time nationalism was born, whether or not our govern- 
ment could be trusted to handle the vast wealth represented by 
the so-called natural monopolies ; and although we nationalists 
have demonstrated, to our own satisfaction, that the government 
is, at least, as reliable and can be expected to serve the people 
as well as a soulless, grasping corporation ; the doubt still lingers 
at the side that negatives the proposition for three reasons, viz., 
first, because our present government does not represent the 
people ; second, because it is not trained in the performance of 
administrative duties, such as the handling of vast energies would 
demand; and third, because we lack centralization. Let us pause 
to reflect; and may I be permitted to begin with the third 
proposition ? 

At the time when the constitution upon which our government 
rests was framed, the most far-sighted never dreamed either of 
the dimensions to which this country would swell, or of the 
present facilities of intercourse that make possible the quick 
interchange of thoughts and commodities between the most 
distant members of the huge body. It would have sounded to 
them like a fairy tale, that California grapes would arrive fresh 
in Maine, and be sold there cheaper than they could be raised 
on the spot; that fresh meats, coming from Texas, would be 
sold at cheap rates in the markets of New York ; or that a busi- 
ness man in Boston would be able to talk with a customer in 
Chicago without leaving his office to do so. Each state had 
then its own separate interests, and the thirteen original prov- 
inces were willing only to form a union for defensive purposes, 
besides establishing a kind of free trade among themselves. Of 
the practical solidarity of the Union, as our modern inventions 
demand it, even the longest head could have had no conception 
at that time. Abhorring concentration, they guarded carefully 
their autonomy and their state and municipal rights. 

The constitution then framed to serve these purposes has sur- 
vived almost intact, though conditions have vastly changed ; and it 
is still the corner-stone of our political structure: Hampered by 
it it would be impossible for a government to manage railroad 
systems or telegraph nettings that cross the border lines of states 
as if they did not exist. There would be constant friction be- 



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PIBST STEPS TO NATIONALISM. 29 

tween the national and the state governments ; a dualism would 
be established under which the very exp.eriment of intrusting 
the government with the administration of the national monop- 
olies would meet with sure and utter defeat. Before the nation- 
alization of any of the named monopolies can be attempted, it 
will be necessary to recast our whole constitution, and create a 
consolidated nation, in which the states would lose their state 
appearance and assume the character of mere provinces. 

The next difficulty looms up in the fact that our present gov- 
ernment is not organized to do any actual, practical work. Ft is 
solely legislative. It makes laws, and, after a fashion, sees to it 
that they are executed. And what are these laws in the main ? 
They are laws how to collect money and how to dispose of it. 
The only practical executive work done by the government is 
the keeping of an army and navy, the running of the mails, and 
the improving of harbors and rivers, which latter work is done 
only indirectly by the government, as it is farmed out by con- 
tract. Although government officials have now nominally to pass 
a civil-service examination, they are not chosen in all cases for 
fitness, nor retained for efficiency. Their position depends upon 
the length of time their party remains in power and upon their 
fealty to their party. A government thus constructed and unused 
to do practical work could never make a success of handling any 
one of the afore-mentioned monopolies ; and will it not take quite 
a while to train the governmental forces for such services? 

Our government, finally, does not represent the people; its 
interests are not identical with those of the people. At best, it 
represents a majority of the people. But what is a majority? 
If fifty-one people vote for one man and forty-nine for another, 
the fifty-one are the majority; they are permitted to consult 
their own interests, to pass them off as the will of the people, 
while the other forty-nine are not only not represented, but even 
misrepresented. In a three-cornered fight, thirty-five out of a 
hundred voters are the majority ; and the sixty-five, the actual 
majority, have to go without representation. Much as I (being 
an ardent nationalist) would like to see the government handle 
railroads and telegraphs, I would not intrust these interests to a 
government of party, to a government that is not the people. 

How can we change these conditions? As I said before, we 
must recast the constitution. How can we recast the constitu- 
tion? We must establish a new system of ascertaining the 
public will, viz^ a new system of voting. This is a first step 
to nationalism, which, however, is preceded by still another one. 
We must stop teaching in school and from the platform the 
infallibility of the constitution. Is it high treason to write that? 
Our constitution was a glorious and excellent instrument at its 



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30 THE ARENA. 

time ; it has ceased to be that now. Instead of grandiloquently 
praising the wisdom of the fraraers of the constitution and pre- 
senting it as the ne plus ultra of political foresight, as the safe- 
guard of all our economic conditions, we should teach the people, 
young and old, that a measure may be wise and good at one age, 
and cease to be so at another ; that they may revere and respect 
this instrument which, indeed, broke the fetters of mediaeval 
thraldom, but that they must neither idolize nor deify it; that 
they should look at it as they look upon any other political 
measure, and be not afraid to change or recast it when new times 
and new conditions call for new measures. 

This is the very first step to nationalism, and all those who 
feel the chills creep over their backs when they are invited to 
take it, should at once abolish all dreams of ever accomplishing 
their ends by fusion with either of the two great parties, or by 
any other kind of political manoeuvring. We cannot have at the 
same time both the new and the old, viz., a new nation raised 
upon an antiquated constitution. Not until people cease to 
worship the constitution like an idol can they be expected to 
vote for a new order of things. As the masses move slowly we 
must wait in patience till they get ready to do as we advise them. 
To teach and promulgate these underlying principles, to make 
people see how things are evolving, and not political campaign- 
ing, are the very first steps to nationalism. Here is the fulcrum 
upon which to place the lever ; will you place it there ? 



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THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. 



BY GENERAL MARCUS J. WRIGHT. 



The House of Commons as it now exists was not a part of 
the ancient legislative body of England. Its existence is 
a result of the Magna Charta. That instrument provides 
for the summoning of the knights, citizens, and burgesses 
according to rank. It was not until the reign of Edward 
IV. that the assent of the two houses was made necessary 
to every legislative act. Like our House of Representatives 
the House of Commons has the exclusive right to originate 
all appropriation or tax bills, or any bill which lays a burden 
or charge on the people. I had, on a recent visit to England, 
through the courtesy of Mr. Rowe, the member for Derby, 
the entree to the House of Commons ad libitum. 

The then speaker of the House of Commons was Rt. Hon. 
Arthur W. Peel. The chairman of the committee of the 
whole was Rt. Hon. Leonard H. Courtney, who presided in 
the absence of the speaker. When he presides he is not 
addressed as "Mr. Speaker," but as "Mr. Courtney or Mr. 
Chairman." The speaker of the House receives a salary of 
|50,000 and a finely furnished residence. The House of 
Commons consists of six hundred seventy members, one of 
whom is elected speaker, and another one of whom, on rec- 
ommendation of the Crown, is nominated chairman of the 
committee on ways and means, and is ex officio speaker and 
chairman of the committee of the whole House. The officers 
of the House consist of a clerk, who is entitled "under clerk 
of the Parliaments to attend upon the commons" in contra- 
distinction to "the clerk of the Parliaments," who is an 
officer of the House of Lords. There is an assistant clerk 
and a second assistant. These clerks occupy a desk in 
front of the speaker. The tenure of office of the clerks is for 
life, only removable on an address to the Crown from the 
House. 

The clerk receives all members otherwise than those 
chosen at a general election. They present themselves witli 
their introducers at his table, and he receives from them the 

81 



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82 THE ARENA. 

certificate of the clerk of the Crown, showing that they have 
been duly elected. Members elected at special or by-elec- 
tions sometimes reach the House before the arrival of the 
writ endorsed with the return, which is usually sent through 
the post to the clerk of the Crown. In such case they are 
strangers and have no privileges until the return arrives. 
A new member cannot present himself at the table for the 
purpose of taking his seat, until he is expressly invited to do 
so by the speaker. When this occurs, the clerk presents to 
the member the form of oath or affirmation of allegiance to 
be repeated by him and subscribed on the roll. Then the 
clerk introduces the member to the speaker, calls his name, 
and the name of the constituency from which he has been 
returned. 

In case of the absence of the speaker from illness or other 
cause, the clerk is required to notify it to the House, so that 
the deputy speaker may take his place. It is the duty of the 
assistant clerks, under the direction of the speaker, to exam- 
ine all questions and notices handed in by members, so that 
no unparliamentary expressions shall be placed on the order 
book. (Would not this be a good innovation in our Con- 
gress?) They keep a record of the daily business, which is 
published under the authority of, and signed by, the speaker. 
This record is called "votes and proceedings of the House of 
Commons/' and is delivered daily to the members, and after- 
wards printed as the Commons Journal, one volume being 
issued yearly. This journal contains all resolutions pro- 
posed, all divisions, all letters read and special communica- 
tions made to the House, but does not contain the speeches 
of the members. 

The sergeant-at-arms and his deputies, and the clerks, are 
the only persons outside of the members who are allowed 
within the limits of the House during its sittings. There 
are other officers of the House, who in the performance of 
their duties attending on the debates are permitted to 
attend below the bar, behind the speaker's chair, and in the 
corners of the side galleries. This rule is so strictly 
observed that officials who bring in cards, letters, or tele- 
grams for members are not permitted to cross the bar of 
the House. If a member to whom a communication is sent 
is too far away to be reached by the carrier, it is handed 
to the nearest member, who passes it along the benches, 
through other members, until it reaches its destination. 

There are six seats on the floor of the House, two in front 
of the sergeant-at-arms, and four on the opposite side, and 
three rows of raised seats across the back of the House, 



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THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. 33 

which are under "the peers' and distinguished strangers' 
galleries," which are technically not a part of the House. 
Those farthest back are cut off by a barrier, and entered by 
a small stairway from the lobby. These are reserved for 
strangers. 

The sergeant-at-arms of the House is appointed by the 
Sovereign, but may be removed by resolution of the House 
without the assent of the Sovereign. The sergeant-at-arms, 
under order of the House, can arrest any person within the 
limits of the United Kingdom, and no court of law has 
jurisdiction to examine into the grounds of arrest The 
galleries of the House are under the control of the sergpant- 
at-arms while the House is sitting. He issues orders for 
seats. The galleries are reserved for diplomats, distin- 
guished strangers, and peers; and when any special matter 
is under debate, the back row of seats, under the peers' 
gallery, is reserved for government officials, who may be 
there consulted by the ministers, without leaving the House. 
Orders for admission to the distinguished strangers' gallery, 
special and members' gallery, are obtained from the 
speaker's secretary personally, or by letter, one week from 
the date for which the order is required. Ladies are only 
admitted to the speaker's private gallery by order from the 
speaker, to the sergeant-at-arms' gallery by order of the 
sergeant-at-arms, and to the ladies' gallery by a member's 
order. 

The first business done by a new House of Commons is 
the election of speaker, and this is done before the members 
take the oath and sign the roll. In the beginning of a new 
Parliament, the clerk, having been informed of who is nomi- 
nated for speaker, and who nominates him, rises after the 
meeting of the members, and points his finger to the member 
who nominates, and then to the member who seconds the 
nomination of the proposed speaker, and if there be no 
contest, after a few words from the speaker-elect, he is 
conducted to the chair by his proposer and seconder. But 
in case there be a contest, the clerk as presiding officer puts 
the question, directs the division, and declares the result. 
This precedent we have followed in our House of Represent- 
atives. The speaker-elect then stands upon the upper step, 
near the speaker's chair, and returns his thanks to the 
House. He then takes his seat, and receives the congratula- 
tions of the House, expressed by the leader, and almost 
uniformly by some leading member of the opposition. The 
House then at once adjourns until the following day, when 
the Commons, in a body, go to the House of Lords, and 



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34 THE ARENA. 

present their new speaker for the approbation of the Sov- 
ereign. 

The speaker so elected and approved continues in office 
during the whole of the parliament for which he is elected. 
To be valid, his election as speaker must be approved by the 
Crown. On returning from the House of Lords after the 
announcement of his approval, the speaker subscribes the 
oath of allegiance, which is repeated by all the members. 

The speaker is the first commoner in the Kingdom, and 
the sole mouth of the House. In committee of the whole, 
the speaker is entitled to speak and vote. 

After the members are sworn in, the House passes a series 
of resolutions called sessional orders. 

The distinction between a standing order and an ordinary 
resolution of the House is that a standing order, unless sus- 
pended, remains in force until rescinded, while every other 
resolution is valid only for and during the session in which 
it is passed, and ceases to be operative at the close of such 
session. 

A member who has not been sworn in, may sit in any of 
the seats not technically within the limits of the House; 
may be present at all debates, may remain in the House 
without voting when the House is cleared for a division, 
and may be elected and serve on committees; but if an 
unsworn member, even by accident, should be found sitting 
in the technical House, during a debate, his seat becomes 
vacated, and if he sits and votes before being sworn, he 
forfeits five hundred pounds for each vote, and his seat is' 
vacated. 

By the courtesy of the House a new member has pre- 
cedence in debate on the first occasion of his arising to speak. 
(Would not this be a good precedent for the American 
House of Representatives to adopt?) Although a new mem- 
ber cannot sit or vote except in the election of speaker until 
he is sworn in, he is entitled to all the other privileges, and 
is otherwise regarded as a member until unseated by a 
resolution of the House. 

In what is called committee of supply any vote may be 
challenged or a motion may be made to reduce the vote by 
so many pounds, or a motion may be made to reduce or omit 
a particular sub-head or item. No motion, however, can be 
made to increase an amount stated in the bill. After a 
motion to reduce on a whole vote has been put from the 
chair, no motion can be made to reduce or omit a sub-head 
or special item. When a motion to reduce has been put 
from the chair, and progress has been thereafter reported, 



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THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. 35 

that motion drops, and if a division on it is desired, it must 
be formally renewed. 

The chairman of the committees of the whole House is 
chairman of the committees of ways and means. On the 
first occasion of the House resolving itself into such com- 
mittees, and thereafter, he takes the chair in all committees 
of the whole House. He does not occupy the speaker's chair, 
but sits on the right-hand corner. He takes the chair as 
deputy speaker, when requested to do so by the speaker, 
without any consent of the House, and also takes the chair 
and exercises all the authority of the speaker, whenever 
the House shall be informed by the clerk of the absence of 
the speaker. 

Five members are nominated by the speaker each session, 
to act as temporary chairmen of committees, when so 
requested by the chairman of ways and means. 

The chairman of ways and means can speak and vote as 
an ordinary member when the speaker is in the chair, and 
on a tie gives the casting vote. 

Forty members are required to make a quorum, and if a 
member announces "no quorum" the sand glass (which is 
always on the speaker's table) is turned, strangers are 
ordered to withdraw, and the bell rings for a count. If forty 
members are not present in two minutes, the House stands 
adjourned. When thus adjourned all orders of the day, 
which have not been reached, are placed at the bottom of 
the calendar for the following day. 

Before questions to be propounded to the ministers of 
the crown are read on each day, the members ballot for 
precedence, for leave to introduce bills and motions. On 
the first day of each session is held the most important 
ballot for bills, but the ballot for motions is continued every 
Tuesday and Friday, unless the government obtains a 
resolution giving it the whole time of the House. 

The speaker takes the chair daily at three o'clock in the 
afternoon, except on Wednesday, when the hour is twelve. 
Each day's sitting is opened with prayers. If on a morning 
sitting, immediately after prayers, forty members are not 
present, the speaker does not take the chair, but sits in the 
clerk's seat until forty members enter the House. Any 
member in the House at prayers, or entering before the 
quorum is made up, is compelled to remain in the House 
until the speaker is in the chair. 

Petitions can be presented publicly, but are usually 
placed in one of the bags which hang behind the speaker's 
chair. Petitions from the corporation of the city of London 



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36 THE ARENA. * 

are presented by sheriffs in gorgeous robes at the bar of 
the House. Petitions from the city of Dublin are presented 
in a similar- manner, by the lord mayor of Dublin. Ballot- 
ing for place by private members takes place immediately 
after half-past three each day. A paper headed "Notices 
of motion," with consecutive numbers after each line, is 
placed on the oposition side of the table in front of the 
clerks. Each member desiring to ballot signs his name 
opposite any number he pleases. One of the clerks folds 
as many slips with numbers as there are numbers signed 
for, and places them in a box in front of another clerk. 
These numbers are drawn and handed to the speaker, who 
reads out the name of the member opposite the numbers. 
If the member is absent, or not answered for, his chance 
is lost. If present, he will announce that on a certain day 
he will bring»in a bill, or make such a motion. 

The seating capacity of the house is about three hundred 
below, and about one hundred and fifty in the side galleries. 
Ordinarily this is adequate, but on important occasions 
entirely insufficient 

There are no conveniences for members as compared to 
our House of Representatives. They have no permanent 
seats, and no desks for writing. In the outer lobbies there 
are what are called lockers, in which members can keep 
papers. There are large library rooms adjoining the House, 
in which are ample accommodations for reading or writing. 

The only postal privilege enjoyed by a member of Parlia- 
ment is that he may frank copies of bills, and may receive 
twenty copies of each bill printed. 

No motion for a grant of public money can be put from 
the chair without the assent of the Crown, which may be 
signified by any member of the privy council. Such motion 
must be made in committee of the whole House. 

When the speaker vacates the chair for the adjournment 
of the House, the doorkeeper calls out in a loud voice, "Who 
goes home?" This is echoed by various attendants, and 
everybody goes home. 

A comparison of the modes of business, general decorum, 
and accommodations for both members and strangers, 
between the House of Commons and the House of Represent- 
atives of the United States, even made by a British subject, 
would, I think, be largely in favor of the American Commons. 

I was present at one sitting of the House of Commons 
when the royal grant bill was under discussion. This was 
a bill voting money to members of the royal family, includ- 
ing all the sons, daughters, sons-in-law, etc., of the Queen. 



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TELE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. 37 

I heard Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Ooschen (the chancellor of the 
exchequer), and Mr. Labouchere address the House, and also 
an opposition member, whose name I do not now recall. 

Mr. Gladstone's style of speaking is quite American. His 
voice is clear, his enunciation is very distinct, and his few 
gestures are natural. He always commands the strictest 
attention. Mr. Goschen, the chancellor of the exchequer, 
is a forcible speaker, making his points plainly and well, 
but has a hesitating mode peculiar to the English and 
unknown with us. Mr. Labouchere is a florid speaker; 
his voice is good, his gestures are rapid, and his whole man- 
ner is animated. 

Mr. Gladstone was listened to with respectful attention, 
sometimes applauded, and with an occasional cry of "Hear." 
The other speakers were constantly interrupted with cries 
of "Hear, hear," "Yes, yes," "No, no," "Fie, for shame," and 
whistles and hisses. These noises were interjected with 
cries of "Order," loud coughing, moving about the hall, 
passing out, and calling for the question, so that it was 
next to impossible to keep the run of what was being. said. 

The House of Commons, however, with all these draw- 
backs, is the representative body of the people of Great 
Britain. Its members are sent there by the popular vote, 
and the people look to it with confidence to preserve their 
rights and liberties, and to watch their interests in all mat- 
ters of legislation. Only the bills introduced, questions 
asked the ministers of the crown, and their replies, are 
published in the official organ of Parliament Reports of 
the speeches of leading members on important subjects are 
printed in the principal London journals. 

Altogether the House of Commons is a very interesting 
place for an American to visit 



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BOSTON SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 



BY THE AUTHOB OF " PRESTON PAPERS, NEW YORK CITY. 



Let the eoldier be abroad if he will; he can do nothing in this age. There U 
another personage, a personage less imposing, in the eyes of some perhaps insignifi- 
cant. The schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust to him, armed with his primer, against 
the soldier in full military array.— Lord Brougham, from his speech of Jan. 29, 1828. 

What was said by Lord Brougham in England has been many 
times reiterated in the United States since then ; and in these 
days of censure, when all that pertains to " The Public School 
System" is sneered at, lampooned, and caricatured — when 
everything connected with it, including school buildings, school 
boards, teachers, pupils, and officers, and their work, is made a 
target for sarcasm and cheap wit — it is refreshing to turn to 
the " conclusions " of the really great and find recorded perfect 
confidence in teachers as a class. 

Having personally known some Boston men and women who 
seemed to " radiate " natural intelligence increased by a good 
degree of acquired knowledge, but who were unmistakably 
proud of their schools, I was somewhat surprised to learn 
(through the Forum articles, since published in book form) of 
the very low grade of excellence actually attained, the general 
good-for-nothingness of some in particular — the primaries — 
and the absolute need of " waking up " the Boston educators, 
lest "before another decade has passed they will find their 
schools among those at the end of the list." * 

My wonder grew as I read statement after statement in the 
chapter from which the above quotation is taken; and 
although I was hazarding something in running counter to popu- 
lar opinion, I determined to see why Boston should be education- 
ally sidetracked, to stand still in an age of intellectual progress. 
So, as the day was long, the weather fine, and the walking good, 
I put on my No. 7s and started for the " Hub," determined to 
arouse the dreaming Iolanthes to a sense of their responsibilities 
as teachers in one of the leading cities in Uncle Sam's territory ; 
feeling sure that if I could but make apparent the shame and 
disgrace being entailed upon an entire system by these indiffer- 
ent teachers of "purely mechanical drudgery schools,t whose 

* Page 145, " The Public School System of the United States." t Idem, page 123. 

38 



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BOSTON SCHOOLS AND TEACHEBS. $$ 

Work is ao * highly unscientific," they would reform at once — 
or soon thereafter. 

I have returned, but with the feeling so well expressed by 
Jean Paul Richter, that " Man and the horse-radish are most 
biting when grated" — and can but think that the ingenuous 
author must have been recently grated when he wrote. To be 
sure I haven't seen the grater, but I (with active, earnest teach- 
ers) have felt the "bite" in the articles referred to and am 
prepared to score some points in favor of the public schools of 
Boston, as seen through the eyes of a once practical teacher. 

First, I shall claim that the Boston teachers are anything but 
the self-satisfied egotists pictured by the article in question — 
and can prove my position. Second, I shall show that the "sys- 
tem " of the city so roundly scored guards against the possible 
mental stagnation or inertia of its faithful pedagogues by giving 
them leave of absence on half -pay every tenth year, and shall 
claim that that fact alone is professionally inspiring, as it gives 
the teachers opportunity to rest, study, travel, or visit other 
schools and that they take advantage of this golden opportunity. 
Third, I can show by the work seen — which I hope I can re- 
port accurately — that the teachers are not " mechanical 
drudges" nor "cold and unsympathetic" in their attitude 
towards the children. Fourth, I do not much believe that the 
Boston children, even in the primary schools, are absolutely 
pining for the gentle sympathy which more than one outsider has 
involuntarily extended to them while reading of the chilly atmos- 
phere through which they breathe their coldly intellectual life. 

To be more specific, I will state first that I did not visit all 
the sixteen hundred teachers in their Mass rooms — Dr. Rice 
found only twelve hundred — as to me that would represent at 
least four hundred days' work, good solid work, too. I am not 
an "expert" in this business (but something of a pedestrian, 
although somehow that didn't seem to help me out any in this 
line), and I spent the whole morning with one class for some days, 
both because I was interested in watching the work itself and 
also because it seemed necessary in order to study the underly- 
ing principles ; although this part of it may be a work of super- 
erogation. 

At all events there was no time when I should have felt 
justified even in commending the work of a school, class, or 
teacher, with only a few minutes' cursory glance at it ; much 
less should I have dared pass an adverse judgment thereon 
without studying the work for more than one day. I did visit 
several primary schools, finding exceptionally good work even in 
the lowest grades I . (I am going to visit more of them for the 
inspiration they have been to me, now out of that part of the 



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40 ME ABflHA. 

service.) I was fortunate, also, in happening (?) to wander into 
some very fine grammar schools, of which more hereafter; and 
my unbiased opinion is that Boston need not blush for her school 
system, her superintendent, masters, teachers, or work, and that 
it is not necessary to stick pins into any of them to see if they 
are sleeping — drifting in the enchanted bark of dreams — while 
the world is rolling on. 

In every school visited I found window gardens, green with 
germinating plants from which observation lessons were given 
in plant life, followed by language lessons, drawing, spelling, 
penmanship, use of capitals, etc., and this in face of the assertion 
that " The unification of studies is not attempted in the primary 
grades " 1 * The plants were growing in starch or soap boxes, 
pans, jars, tin cans, anything that would hold the dirt and per- 
mit growth. 

One teacher had bought little red clay pots, of uniform size, 
giving one to each child to take home after the plants had been 
" observed, 9 ' written about, and the composition illustrated with 
a drawing of the plant and given to the teacher. Later, a second 
lesson — more in the nature of an " information " lesson — on 
the same subject was given, the plant was discussed by the class, 
new words, including some technical terms, were brought out and 
put upon the blackboard, explanations were made when asked, 
and a new paper was prepared by the children, descriptive of the 
plant and illustrated as before. 

One teacher — and in the lowest grade, too, — had a large col- 
lection of insects, mounted in boxes, classified, and used in a 
similar way. 

Several of the primary schools (aU> for aught I know) had 
collections of shells, minerals, geological and other specimens, 
properly classified and labelled, placed in cabinets where they 
could be studied and handled by the pupils, who had brought 
them. Another school rejoiced in a " school garden, 9 ' and aU 
seemed to have an endless supply of pictures and other artistic 
materials for language work. 

And these are the "purely mechanical drudgery schools" 
which are so far behind the day and age that their critic says, 
" The vast majority of the teachers fail to comprehend the true 
spirit of modern methods." f 

The reading, penmanship, and language which I heard and 
saw all spoke highly for the " unscientific methods " of these 
tf purely mechanical drudgery schools," and seem to call for 
" more " with an Oliver-Twist-like persistence. 

I want to mention a spelling lesson from a reproduction story 
around which so much clustered, in the hands of a very "live" 

• Idem, page 123. t Idem, page 143. 



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BOSTON SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 41 

teacher who wrote on the blackboard the words suggested. I 
did not arrive in time to hear the story, bat saw her writing the 
words and easily inferred that it was an army story of some 
sort, from the list, which included "officers, duties, equipments," 
and the like. When done writing she underscored about a 
dozen words and said — and her voice was both low and sweet 
during the entire morning, though very distinct: "Now we 
will all study these words quietly, aud see who will get done 
first. As soon as you learn them turn in your seats [they were 
facing the blackboard] so I shall know when to begin." Then 
she sat at one of the desks and " studied " too — and evidently it 
was not unusual, for it created no sensation and did not divert 
attention. Presently one, then another, then others turned their 
backs to the lesson, signifying that the mental-photography pro- 
cess was complete. She then called on any who could spell any 
word among those underscored to do so, and volunteer service 
began, being kept up until each had spelled several times. Then 
she dictated sentences containing the words, and the children 
wrote, afterward reading their productions and spelling the spe- 
cial word in each sentence to which attention was desired. I 
thought that a fine way to teach a group of new words (such as 
" march, colonel, epaulettes, officer, standard-bearer, captain, sol- 
dier, private, uniform ") to third-class pupils, and should have been 
content ; but an hour and a half after that, she said, with a smile 
and a twinkle which all seemed to understand, though sudden, 
u Face," and they again turned their backs to the lesson, which 
had not been erased. (Recess, an observation lesson on a plant, 
which resulted in compositions illustrated by drawings, and a 
lesson in reading had been given in the intervening time.) 

" I am thinking of one of those words." 

Up flew the hands, and she nodded to one of the girls, who 
arose and asked, " Was it s-o-l-d-i-e-r, soldier ? " 

" No." And more guessing and spelling until it was found 
that " colonel " was the word. Then the guesser selected a word, 
and the others spelled at it, until the entire list of words scored 
had been spelled, besides many that were not. Then an oral 
language lesson followed, each being given opportunity to make 
another impromptu sentence with any of the words he wished ; 
then they were asked to reproduce the story or write another 
containing as many of the words as possible. Could the critic 
have done better f 

In another school, when I went in, the teacher was just asking 
that all who could not distinctly see the picture which she had 
just hung up, should raise their hands ; then all who could see 
farther and were grilling to change * seats to accommodate the 
weak or defective eyes ; and it was done, regardless of the ac- 



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42 THE AEKffA. 

cusation that the teachers are indifferent to the welfare of the 
children. 

" Straws show which way the wind blows," and if the public 
have doubts of the ability or enthusiasm of the public-school 
teachers, an easy way to settle the doubts and ascertain whether 
or not the doubt is deserved is to visit the schools and watch the 
work. 

I bdieve the majority have both. 



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THE PSYCHIC AND THE SPIRITUAL. 



Thikd Pape$. 



BY MABGARET B. PEEKE. 



As the law of all language is based upon the law of repre- 
sentation of idea, it must follow that no word can come into 
general use until the idea it represents has been recognized 
and received; and in the passing away of words from our 
vocabulary, it is only an announcement to the world that 
the thing for which they stood has had its day and is no 
longer needed. As a striking illustration of this law, we 
have but to notice the advent of new words connected with 
the sciences, that could not have been known at a time when 
science had not revealed the facts for which they stand. The 
most ordinary words of daily life — telegraph, telephone, 
dynamo — would have been without meaning to our ances- 
tors; and it is only since psychic phenomena have become a 
fact, recognized and duly labelled by scientific men, that the 
word psychic has stepped into being, and is freely passing 
from mouth to mouth as if it had been born with the race, 
while in truth but a few decades have passed since it was 
born into use. Owing to this newness, it has not yet been 
given its proper latitude and longitude, its work and mis- 
sion, its exact meaning. It is like a newly discovered coun- 
try that has no map or defined boundaries. Because it rep- 
resents something vague and intangible, it has been voted a 
place among spiritual facts, and from this has arisen the 
confusion of terms, so annoying and misleading. Because 
one has a clairvoyant sense, she is pronounced very spiritual, 
and if a ouija board moves under her hands, or a sound has 
been heard by psychic sense, there is no other proof needed 
to convince the observer that a spiritual gift has been be- 
stowed upon the favored mortal. Therefore we find the 
words psychic, spiritual, spirituality, spiritist, standing for 
one and the same thing; and not one in a hundred can dis- 
criminate or define wherein one differs from another. Since 
psychic force, psychic phenomena, and a psychic realm have 

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44 THE ARENA. 

been proven facts, and pronounced by scientific minds not 
only worthy to be, but also to be studied, it is necessary that 
we have them clearly defined that they may be used properly 
and wisely. 

Since man is a triune being, consisting of body, soul, and 
spirit, it follows from necessity that each of these states of 
consciousness must have its own realm or plane of existence, 
to each of which he belongs, and in which he lives according 
to his degree of development Only as he becomes con- 
scious of his relationship to these worlds, can he know his 
own powers and the law of their unfoldment Besides the 
physical, the psychical, and the spiritual, man has a fourth 
dimension — the mental or intellectual faculty; and these 
four make him the mystical square, the immortal pyramid 
rising from its four sides to the perfection of the point or 
ego. It is to this that all must come, a perfect pyramid, 
with sides four-square like the eternal city of St John's 
vision, and growing steadily on all sides to a perfect apex — 
the poised soul, the Divine-human. In this pyramid the 
psychic has its place, and the material has its place, and the 
intellectual has its place; but none of them can encroach 
upon the spiritual without injuring the final perfection. 
That there has been a time, and it has not wholly passed 
away, when the material and physical received sole recog- 
nition and attention, we know but too well ; that the race in 
its evolutionary progress has given perhaps undue attention 
to the mental and intellectual is also an acknowledged fact, 
as is the more recent tendency to exaggerate all that is 
psychic and phenomenal. If we could see a figure of the 
composite man of to-day, we could hardly find the outlines 
of a square discernible. It would be the irregular tenden- 
cies of all ages and conditions, along physical, mental, and 
psychical lines, with here and there a determined effort 
toward true selfhood or spiritual life. 

There is one law, because there is but one Lawgiver. . If 
we know the law of the physical, we may easily know that 
which works through all the evolutionary processes. In the 
physical, we find an established law of correlation of forces, 
whereby ice may become water, water steam, steam gas, 
and gas be again transformed into steam, water, and ice. 
During these processes the quantity of the atoms has not 
been changed; but wider separation and greater expansion 
have increased the rate of motion and hence increased the 
volume. So long as the atoms of combined oxygen and hy- 
drogen are held in close contact, ice is the result, and ice we 
find occupying space with clearly defined outlines. When 



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THE PSYCHIC AND THE SPIRITUAL. % 45 

these identical atoms are dispersed by heat into water, the 
outlines are dependent upon environment or whatever con- 
tains them. Carried up to still higher rates of vibration, 
they elude measurement by mere outline, and are only esti- 
mated by their force. 

If this law of correlation of force is inherent in the nature 
of being, all that exists must be under 'the same law, whether 
in the physical, mental, or psychical realm. We must there- 
fore conclude that, as long as man lives in a realm of dense 
atomic conditions, subject to the law of vibrations, he can 
only change force as vibrations are increased. In the purely 
physical realm of dense materiality, these are slow. In the 
realm of thought they are increased until they are as water 
to ice. In the psychic the rate is still more rapid ; and when 
a spiritual consciousness is awakened, the quality of force 
has attained its maximum as known to man in his present 
state. During this process of unfoldment consciousness has 
developed from the simple consciousness belonging to the 
animal world, to self-consciousness, and at last to universal 
consciousness or, as a recent writer calls it, " cosmic con- 
sciousness." In this development of consciousness the 
psychic has its place and its mission, but it must not be al- 
lowed more than its legitimate rights. As long as the con- 
sciousness was limited to objects of sense, the intelligence 
could not extend to a knowledge of selfhood. 

When the consciousness of the ego was awakened, then 
reason began to act and a realm hitherto unknown was re- 
vealed — a realm of idea and thought, whose vibrations were 
to those that had preceded as the third note of a chord to 
the first. It is here that the mind begins to reach out after 
the great Cause of all phenomena, and desire is awakened to 
know the " why," the " whence," and the " whither." It is 
no more a verity than was the mere simple consciousness, 
neither is it less true. It is but another step up the ladder 
of being. It is but a larger circumference growing from the 
• immovable centre, not to destroy the former limitations of 
consciousness, but to add ring upon ring to the infinite ex- 
pansion. The old physical conditions are still recognized, 
but their relative importance has changed. Before, the / 
(ego) imagined the circumference of bodily consciousness 
the finality; it now awakens to the fact that the horizon 
recedes as growth progresses, and awaits whatever may 
come. 

Unlike the ice, which can be converted through different 
forms to gas, and back again to ice, the human soul once 
awakened to self-consciousness cannot go back to simple 



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46 THE ARENA. 

consciousness; neither after having attained universal con- 
sciousness can it return to self -consciousness as before, or to 
any previous limitations that would cause it to throw off 
any advanced stage of growth. 

The soul knows no retrogression. It may take ages to 
pass from one stage to another. ^Eons may pass before the 
manifested life-force in the atom, working up through min- 
eral and vegetable worlds, will become conscious of touch 
or light or sense of any kind. iEons more must pass while 
it progresses from consciousness of worm to consciousness 
of higher animal, and aeons more must pass as in the process 
of evolution it reaches the state that enables it to say, " I am 
L" David, looking back over the long path that had led 
from atom to King David, sang: "Marvellous are thy 
works; and that my soul knoweth right well. My sub- 
stance was not hid from thee, when I was made in secret, 
and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth [in 
the mineral]. Thine eyes did see my substance, yet being 
imperfect; and in thy book all my members were written, 
which in continuance were fashioned when as yet there was 
none of them." Could any scientist of to-day describe the 
path of life better? 

The law is progression, not retrogression; and the ego 
having attained a state of simple consciousness may pass 
out of its physical environment without knowing that other 
realms of consciousness lie before, but it will not go back to 
insensate life. If it has attained self-consciousness it must 
go forth knowing its selfhood. Only when it sees and 
knows this self — this knower, this ego — to be a part of the 
all, of the universe, has it obtained the right to immortality. 
Only the All is eternal. Only they who feel and know them- 
selves to be a part of this All in true consciousness can hope 
for eternal life. 

From lowest condition, it is as the entering into a temple 
through a succession of outer courts, until the Holy of holies 
is reached, which is the true and immortal selfhood, the 
spirit. The outermost circle' or court is mere existence, a 
vestibule small and cramped. The enjoyment of the phy- 
sical is next, larger and more attractive. When this opens 
into the intellectual world, vibrations are quickened, the 
horizon widens, new experiences are born, and for a time 
the soul forgets it has found but a larger court, and revels 
in the delight of knowledge, with no desire to go higher or 
farther; unconscious that just beyond is a world of mar- 
vellous beauty awating to reveal to its psychic sense 
glories never known to mere intellect. Again recurring to 



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THE PSYCHIC AND THE SPIRITUAL. 47 

the illustration of the ice, we find the phenomena differing, 
in that with the ice its more material form is lost as its in- 
crease of vibrations carries its atoms into a more rarefied 
state; while in man the less or lower conditions remain 
distinct from all succeeding stages. An intellectual man 
never loses self-consciousness, or simple consciousness, 
although these may be sometimes unrecognized by him. 

Passing into the psychical realm, the consciousness rec- 
ognizes objects hitherto known, but in an environment 
absolutely new. Men, women, trees, flowers, and animals 
are still the same, but so illuminated by light and color as to 
be like a dream of the Arabian Nights. Colors scintillate; 
tones of exquisite music vibrate; human beings are no 
longer flesh and blood, but radiant forms of light, talking 
and acting, sometimes like ordinary mortals, sometimes 
like gods. This is the danger-realm. It is but a higher 
sense-realm, and all that it sees and hears is changeable 
and finite. In the psychic realm one, sense alone is gener- 
ally recognized, rarely more than two, and these are sight 
and hearing. In this realm objects seem real and tangible, 
while the consciousness that beholds realizes that they are 
not of the physical world, and is not surprised when they 
disappear. It differs from the dream-world by leaving an 
impression on the mind far more distinct and permanent, 
yet in no sense more tangible. "Having eyes ye see not, 
having ears ye hear not," said Jesus to His audience. 
"There is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body," said 
Paul. If the natural body hears and sees, the spiritual body 
(or psyche) must do the same. As the one is more material 
than the other, it follows as a necessary sequence, that the 
objects seen or heard must be of corresponding difference of 
vibration, and the senses of the psyche (spiritual body) must 
see and hear objects not discernible by the natural bodily 
senses. 

Although the psychical is thus distinct from the merely 
physical, it still belongs to the objective mind. In other 
words, it is a bodily hearing and seeing, though the objects 
U cognizes, like the psychical body, are far finer than any 
hitherto known. Here lies its most subtle danger. By 
transfiguring the objects beheld; by failing to realize that 
they belong to a physical world, even as steam which is 
invisible to the ordinary eye belongs still to the realm of 
matter; by failing to analyze and judge wisely; the ego is 
led to believe itself conscious of a spiritual world, and gives 
itself up to the delights of its (though finer) physical senses, 
as completely as when only awake to the lower sense- 



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48 THE ARENA. 

faculties. It has not yet been born into the infinite realm 
of spirit, which gives it, not a sense-consciousness at all, 
but an expansion of being that carries it above all objective 
realties of either the natural or the spiritual body, where it 
can truly say, for the first time, "I am all that is." As a 
merely physical, intellectual, or even psychical being it 
could only say, "I see," "I hear," or "I perceive," whereas 
now it can say, "I know, for I am it." It no longer 
needs the aid of the senses, but uses the entire organism as 
a single sense, and becomes a part of the universal whole. 
In other words, it loses sense of selfhood in gaining con- 
sciousness of the true impersonal self. This is the realm of 
spirit This is to be born through water and blood, which 
means the outer worlds of body and psyche, into the world 
of fire, which is eternal life. 

Not that bodily senses are to be despised, or psychical 
phenomena to be cast aside as worthless, but each is to have 
its own place of honor, its right value, and be held sub- 
servient to the eternal and spiritual ego. Because the feet 
cannot think, do we cease to use them? Because the natu- 
ral body and spiritual body know but in part, should we 
cast them aside? Should we not rather use all ministries 
to greater usefulness? Paul said the carnal mind could not 
know God, but he did not say that we should therefore eease 
to think. Because the objective mind reveals to us the 
things of time and sense, shall we therefore ignore it and 
remain blind until the spiritual ego has been born into 
consciousness? This would be to destroy the possibility of 
highest attainment That phenomena have their place no 
one denies. Were it not for the phenomena of the natural 
world, where could we have had data for the basis of in- 
vestigation, which has resulted in scientific law? In the 
psychical world phenomena also have an important part 
Through them attention is aroused, curiosity stimulated, 
and investigation pursued, which lead the ordinary mortal 
to believe in something hitherto unrecognized and unknown. 
They stir a question of future existence, and throw light on 
what has been called the valley of the shadow of death. As 
this light increases, the belief in death entirely disappears, 
the two worlds of life and death are seen to be one and the 
same, with a dividing line between the physical and less 
physical. Instead of the present outlook into a beyond of 
shadow, faint glimpses are seen that reveal a world of far 
greater beauty and light that this, and the child of earth 
becomes conscious of an eternal now, that shall know 
neither shadow nor end. 



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THE PSYCHIC AND THE SPIBITUAL. 49 

When the true ego has been born into its own realm, that 
of spirit; when the subliminal self has become conscious 
of its own powers and possibilities; when that subjective 
state is reached where universal knowledge is to be found, 
then, and then only, will the proper relations between husk 
and shell and kernel, now known as body, soul, and spirit, 
be established. Then we shall realize that bodily senses 
were given us for a bodily world, whereby we might gain 
external knowledge through perception, and by reason 
arrive at conclusions as to our relation to this world; that 
the psychic senses were given to- show that we have also a 
relation to an unseen world, of which we could otherwise 
know nothing; and, finally, we should discover that the 
knower has a world of its own, boundless as infinity, endur- 
ing as the universe, and superior to the psychic and the 
physical, as the infinite is to the finite. 

"By their fruits ye shall know them," said the Master. 
Shall we bring the world to this judgment? It needs not 
that we judge the race by its fruits on a physical line. We 
are only too familiar with the fruits of the flesh. On every 
hand they abound — lust, malice, drunkenness, sensuality, 
and all the ills that flesh is heir to. 

But when we come to the fruits of the psychic, what do 
we find? It is only necessary to study statistics to discover 
that the danger is as great when the human is given up to 
the psychic as when a slave to the flesh. In the one case, 
'the evil results are visited on children and children's chil- 
dren, while in the other they seem to come at once to the 
psychic. Wherever we see a genuine psychic, we see one 
who is either mentally or physically diseased. It would 
not be possible to find ten in a hundred that were sound in 
body or mind or both. Yet we know the psychic has a place 
in the great pyramid silently going up through the ages, 
with its base upon earth, four-square, representing the 
physical, intellectual, psychical, and spiritual nature in 
harmonious unfoldment. 

In some future paper we shall perhaps try to explain the 
weakness of the psychic and show its true place and power. 



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BLAND AND A NEW PARTY. 



BY AN EX-DEMOCRAT OP MISSOURI. 



In the journals of to-day (March 25, 1895) comes the fol- 
lowing : 

Cincinnati, O., March 23. —The Enquirer will publish to-morrow a 
lengthy interview with ex-Congressman Bland, from which the follow- 
ing is taken: 

Lebanon, Mo., March 23. — Richard Parks Bland, the great apostle of 
silver, and one of the most intelligent and forcible advocates of bimet- 
allism 4n the world, is still a Democrat, all reports to the contrary not- 
withstanding. 

The time has come when to those who use the word " Demo- 
crat" we must say in Voltaire's words, "Define your terms." 
If it means one who has certain fixed principles and beliefs 
about the financial policy of the United States held by Jackson 
and Benton and overwhelmingly endorsed in their day by the 
majority, then it is an unpardonable taking up of busy men's 
time to make them read that Bland is a Democrat. 

Some years ago certain ships in our navy were " repaired " 
under a Republican administration. A newspaper said at the 
time that all of the material was taken out of them except the 
name. Around the name of each one a ship was rebuilt (the 
appropriation could be spent only for repairs, not for building 
new ships). But the ship only looked new ; its name showed it 
was the same old ship. 

The rank and file of a party is like the hull of a ship. Inside 
is the machine that runs it ; and so there is an inside " ma- 
chine" in each political party that runs it. The machinery 
can be taken out and other put in, and it can be put in wrongly ; 
or run improperly even if put in properly. 

We need not lose time in determining whether the Demo- 
cratic machine is wrongly put into the hull or whether enemies 
of Jackson -Benton Democracy have reversed the engines ; but 
no one will deny that the ship is going stern-foremost away 
from the harbor towards which the older Democrats directed 
her course. When one says " Democrat " now, we must ast 
him if he means that men who want to run with the machine, 
away from the Jackson-Benton goal, are Democrats. 

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BLAND AND A NEW PARTY. 51 

The interview closed in these words from Mr. Bland and his 
interviewer : 

The party can gain no victory in the future without utterly repudi- 
ating Cleveland's policy on the money question. The party must get 
back to its old principles of equal rights to all and special privileges to 
none; demand the restoration of the old Democratic bimetallic standard 
.that existed for eighty years in our history. The rights of the sov- 
ereign states and the liberty of the citizens, as taught by our Demo- 
cratic fathers, must be maintained. We must abandon our fight for 
money and moneyed interests, and take up the fight for man and the 
interests of the people. 

Mr. Bland, there has been a great deal of newspaper gossip and sur- 
mise as to your intentions of deserting the Democracy and leading a 
bolt from its organization in favor of a new party in the next presiden- 
tial election. What have you to say to that ? 

Mr. Bland answered promptly and frankly: "I am a Democrat and 
expect to do everything in my power as a Democrat to bring the party 
back to its old principles. It is a critical period in the history of the 
Democratic party. I have refused heretofore to follow Mr. Cleveland 
on the money question. If the Democratic party puts up a candidate 
on a platform in harmony with Mr. Cleveland's administration, I could 
not consistently support him. I don't say this in any spirit of bolting 
or threat, but I simply speak my honest convictions of duty, and I 
believe voice the intentions of two-thirds of the Democratic voters, 
especially in the South and West." 

The meaning of this is that the hull of the Democratic ship 
must resist the force of the machine and go in the opposite 
direction. 

"I have refused heretofore to follow Mr. Cleveland on the 
money question." I beg leave to correct Mr. Bland. He should 
have said: "I have refused to follow Mr. Cleveland wittingly" 
etc. For, with the greatest respect for Mr. Bland, I must tell 
him that he is following Mr. Cleveland, but is doing it like the 
dog tied to the hind axle of the a mover's " wagon (a familiar 
sight in our state) by a rope that drags him if he does not use 
his own feet. I advise Mr. Bland to do as I did after years of 
service in the party in humbler circles: cheic the rope, get free, 
and take the back track towards the Jackson- Benton good. 

I have for years said that if the Democratic party of this 
state were sincere in its professions it would have long ago 
shown it by putting Bland in the Senate. Such was the wish 
of the hully but the machine arranged it otherwise. And so the 
party has filled the place for years with one who is like the 
u dead-head " mule in the freight trains with which we used to 
cross the plains : in the pinch his shoulder never presses the 
collar. On a level or downhill road the " dead-head " mule or 
senator makes a most promising appearance. But it is everlast- 
ing promise and never-arriving fulfilment. At the pinch it is 
" the commercial-ratio " dodge. 



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52 THE ARENA. 

When in the party, I often, in the columns of the leading 
Democratic papers, named Bland as a presidential candidate. 
The only notice ever taken was by another Democrat) my 
brother), who cut out that portion of the paper and mailed it to 
me after writing on the margin, " Madness of the moon." 

When the party machine had no patronage with which to in- 
fluence, it used Bland as a pack-horse to carry a congressional 
district that no one else could certainly carry. When it needed 
him no longer it dropped him. Possibly he was, in the last 
election, like " Poor Tray, who was sadly beaten for no other 
fault than being found in bad company." But had the party 
machine in this state been Democratic, it would have made a 
special appeal in his case, and the voters in his district would 
not have acted with the 4,300,000 who refused longer to believe 
that Jackson and Cleveland are both Democrats, as shown by 
our last fall's election. 

An almost unbroken line of historical precedents shows the 
uselessness of trying to change a body, an organization of human 
beings, after it is set. A period of growth is agoing one way, 
that of decay the other. When decay has set in we ought not 
to waste time trying to turn the body again into the direction of 
growth. In the Ozarks,* Mr. Bland's home, " the land of big 
red apples," the orchard men do not try to make an old tree 
young again ; they set out a new tree. But the new tree is a 
part of an old one. From the old decaying Democratic tree 
infested with vermin let us take a switch or seed with some 
Jackson-Benton life in it and raise a new one. 

Man's tissues in youth are springy; as age comes on they 
become chalky. Waste no time in- trying to make the man 
young : train his offspring. The worst drab may be reformed, 
but she cannot be made into a vestal virgin. The Cleveland- 
Sherman drab can never be again the Jackson- Benton virgin of 
anti-bank-bill, hard-money Democracy. But there may be a 
daughter living who can be saved from degradation. \ 

Our fathers found that they could not change the England 

which they had left across the sea. (The cream of the race of 

freemen had risen and poured off into America, and England 

has been going downhill ever since.) So they had to separate. 

The party of Jefferson became so infected with pro-slaveryism 

that Douglas could not change it. The French nobles were 

children of old northern free men, but they came to be gross 

oppressors. No earthly power could change them. Luther's 

ideas were widely different from those of the Catholic hierarchy, 

and his efforts to change them were idle breath. He had to get 

» 

• I think this a corruption of French aux Arcs, Montagne* aux Arcs, " Bow 
Mountains/' from their shape. 



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BLAND AND A NEW PARTY. 58 

out. Wherever we look, into whatever branch of science or 
history, the analogy is all against the success of Mr. Bland's 
plan to stay in the party and move it. 

But, alas ! Mr. Bland must stay in H. He made the fatal 
mistake of staying in it too long. He could at one time have 
left his political gold-bug bedfellows and carried all the blankets 
on the bed with him, and left the others to shiver or run to the 
Republican bed. But it is too late. If he were to forsake the 
Democratic name for Democratic principles now, and take the 
stump, the Cleveland-Sherman drab need only to follow him 
around and say in reply to him : " He stuck to me till my favors 
were withdrawn. He stayed in the party as long as he could get 
an office." Mr. Bland is effectually sewed up in a sack. He is 
hamstrung. And nobody regrets it more than 1 do. Not 
because he is a thorough student of the principles of the seience 
of money, for he .is not, but for his faithfulness through almost 
a lifetime. And I hope that there is a resurrection for him 
through a party that he cannot join, a party not yet born. 
Threatening to leave a party is like drawing a pistol on a man 
when one does not mean to shoot. Mr. Bland ought to have 
said less and to have done more in the way of seeing that the 
party that strikes the pick and shovel out of the miner's hand 
and takes from him his natural rights " shall not live." 

I cannot keep from thinking of the case of Giles Bland in 
1676, one of the foremost in Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia. It 
seems to me that he and Bacon might have made this a republic 
a hundred years before Washington did if they had been more 
energetic. Instead of losing their lives they ought to have laid 
about them with fire and sword, and aroused all the colonies. 
Major Robert Beverly, Governor Berkeley's instrument, put 
down the rebellion, and Bland was murdered under form of 
judicial proceedings. Barring the fact that all of Beverly's 
descendants are now my kin, and that they and the Blands have 
long been blended in marriage, I think that Bland and Bacon 
ought to have hanged Berkeley and held Beverly as a hostage, 
with the same fate threatening, and if unable to hold Virginia, 
fallen back into the wilderness of Kentucky and founded a new 
Switzerland. Just what the Bland of two centuries ago failed 
on, the Bland of to-day has failed on. There is not enough of 
Blucher in him. 

I look back now and wonder at myself for staying an hour 
in a party that had August Belmont for its chairman of national 
committee. It was once my fortune to go from Tilden to Hen- 
dricks with a most important oral communication. It will 
always be a pleasure to me to recall that true man's words as, 
after going over the staunch friendship between several mem- 



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54 THE ARENA. 

bers of my family and himself, he said, "I have heard this before ; 
I feel now that I know it." But the great and true Democrats 
are gone. " The scribes sit in Moses' seat." We who are still 
devoted to old Democratic principles must refuse longer, to act 
with a party whose financial platforms have for years been dic- 
tated from or revised in the bank parlors of Rothschild in 
London. 

As a Democrat I fretted under the chairmanship of Belmont. 
Not only by that sign but by signs of decay in the party in this 
state and even in county affairs, I began to fear that before the 
fish could get its head into Washington its tail here in Missouri 
would be utterly rotten. Jackson said that the inconveniences 
of rotation in office were better borne than the dangers of 
bureaucracy. The rhinoceros-hide folly of such men as Lodge 
in trying fierce blasts instead of genial sunshine to make the 
South put off her cloak of solidity put it in the power of Demo- 
cratic rings to rule this state. From county" governments up, 
they have run a puss-in-the-corner game in which the ringsters 
change off with each other in the offices, and have a few neo- 
phytes on hand, and in training, to take such offices as some cir- 
cumstance makes it impossible for an old ringster to take. 

When Cleveland was elected the first time 1 breathed more 
freely, looking for a rebirth of Democracy; but behold! the 
head of the fish was more advanced in decay than the tail. An 
entirely rotten fish is no longer a fish ; and Cleveland Democ- 
racy nationally, and ring Democracy locally, is not Democracy. 
If Mr. Bland does not know, he ought to know that the Demo- 
cratic machine in Missouri is greased by an oil company and 
carried by transportation companies. I have already suffered 
enough in business at the hands of their agents for making 
myself a pestilent disturber of their rule of the party to the 
plundering of the people here, and do not care to be made to 
pay any more dearly just now by going into details, but leave it 
to the future and to the completion of the preparations to "lash 
the rascals naked" through the land, and show how they can be 
made to disgorge. But more than all I aspire to show them 
that under proper economic arrangements men need not steal 
under the name of watering stocks, and hire judges to protect 
them against those who only hire lawyers. When we get them 
under our feet let us lift them up by the hand and teach them 
to be just. 

The Democratic party is incompetent to throttle the trust and 
transportation rings. Nationally our finances will never be set- 
tled, and internationally we shall never be free from the tyranny 
of Rothschild, Bleichroeder, and the Bank of England, till we 
wipe out issue-banking at home by a constitutional amendment. 



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BLAND AND A NEW PARTY. 55 

The Democratic party will never do this so long as grass grows 
and water runs. Most of the states in the Union have long been 
immovably in the hands of one party or the other. " The cank- 
ers of a calm world and a long peace " have been the results. 
There is the same need of dumping out both parties, neck and 
heels, all over the country. 

In the Norse saga of " Ann, the Old," it is said that he lived 
so long that he had to be fed on milk from the small end of a 
horn, like a baby. This was the first form of the nursing-bottle, 
and it shows the origin of our saying, " He came out at the little 
end of the horn." (Men drank ale out of the big end. In 
second childhood they sucked milk through a hole in the little 
end.) A party whose first president was Jefferson^ who wished 
for a dividing river of fire between us and Europe, and whose 
last one is Cleveland, who would make us cling to Europe like a 
suckling bat to its mother's breast, and folded in her wings, has 
begun at the big end of the horn and come out at the little end. 
To try te continue the taper from Jefferson to Cleveland and 
beyond is like trying to continue the exquisitely fine point with 
which Nature ends an insect's sting. In the present adminis- 
tration Democracy has tapered out to jiothing and ended. There 
is nothing to join to for a continuation. A man who looks at 
Jefferson and then at Cleveland, and does not understand what 
the difference means, ought to ask an artist what the " van- 
ishing point" is. 

An old steamboat man told me that, when a school-boy in 
Pittsburg, General Jackson came through, and the schools were 
dismissed so that the children could shake hands with him. 
" When I shuk han's with the gineral an' looked at him, I de- 
termined that I would vote the Dimocrat ticket as long as I 
lived." " But," said I, " Jackson was anti-bank-paper ; this one 
defends bank-paper." But he said he was too old to vote more 
than once again, so he would not change then. 

There is a Norse saga of a warrior who loved a good and 
beautiful woman. One day she fell sick. He sat by her side 
and watched her, but she died. She changed so little in looks, 
however, that he sat by her still and would not allow anyone to 
move her for burial. Days passed, but her looks changed not. 
There was the same calm, beautiful face, the same abundant 
blond hair ; but the bosom did not heave. He grew emaciated, 
and his friends said, " We must cure his hallucination or he will 
sit there till he dies." So another man came in and taking the 
woman's body by the shoulders raised it, and it was nothing but 
the skin and skeleton of the woman ; and all sorts of ugly 
worms and bugs ran out from it. Then the one who loved the 
woman was oured of his hallucination. That is the corpse of 



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56 THE ABENA. 

Democracy infested with gold-bugs and local ringsters and 
railroad hirelings posing as judges. Whether or not there is 
the miracle of resurrection for a dead woman need not be here 
discussed. There is not for a dead and maggot-eaten party. 

Just let anyone look for one moment and think of the condi- 
tions in this country. Congress and forty-eight other legisla- 
tures are piling up statutes and punishments called for by 
increasing crime. Yet nearly all the crime is caused by the 

rctre of poverty, " the real hell that modern men fear." And 
t is caused by legislating men into debts which they do not 
owe, by destroying nature's medium of exchange and quoter of 
prices of what they produce. 

While men are debating the propriety of leaving old parties, 
tyranny is steadily encroaching upon liberty by ten thousand 
channels. It is in our power to cure these evils now with the 
ballot. If we do not, then as surely as " Action and reaction are 
equal and opposite " is a universal law, and not solely a law of 
physics, so surely will the men driven into crime 'and the women 
driven into prostitution by legislation in the interest of unbridled 
greed re6nact here a drama on a scale that will make the world 
forget the French Revolution. 

The old party papers try to belittle the proposed party by 
calling it the " Silver Party. It will no more be the party of one 
industry than of another. It will raise the price of turnips just 
as much as that of silver. It is a thousand times more a horse 
party, a cattle party, a cotton party, even a fruit party, than it 
is a silver party. The creed of such a party must be : By con- 
stitutional amendment to keep legislation frorr tampering with 
natural rights. 

It must come to this : Gold and silver alone are money. No 
substitute for them shall ever be permitted It is labor s right 
alone to furnish the world its medium of exchange. In America 
this right shall never be interfered with by any device whatever. 
There is a natural ratio, fifteen and one-half to one ; it shall be 
recognized by the constitution and never changed. 

Let the party be called the Liberal party, its members Liber- 
ators, for they are to set men free from a worse slavery 
than Lincoln ended. Let its sign be no wild beast, but a miner 
with his pick and shovel, and the legend: 

"Pick and Shovel Monky Only, 

15J to 1." 

If we restore constitutional coinage France will follow soon. 
Then, with the erroneous ratio of sixteen to one, she will gain 
our silver. Then we shall be told that " We must have paper 
currency." 



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BLAND AND A NEW PABTY. 67 

It must settle the money question first, and in order not to 
antagonize those who are right on money and wrong on tariff, 
it ought to adopt this temporary tariff plan. 

1. Look out first for ourselves as long as other nations look 
out first for themselves. 

2. As long as any laws of congress operate as u protective," 
it is the duty of congress to see that the " protective w benefits 
are not all absorbed by capital, while the more numerous vot- 
ing class of laborers are left at the mercy of the others for their 
share of the " benefits." 

3. The representatives of the Liberal party in congress shall 
be at liberty, until the money question is settled, to vote on 
tariff questions as their districts instruct them. 

4. That all representatives and servants of the people must 
b£ kept at all times subject to removal by the votes ' of those 
who elected them. (Then it will be useless to get a president 
into office on one platform, with the intention of having him 
carry out an opposite policy when in.) 

Gouge concluded his history of American banking by saying, * 
about fifty years ago, that we must look to the farmers and 
working men for relief ; the merchants are too much entangled 
with the banks. Our two sources of danger, our two dangerous 
classes, are banks and courts. Bullionism will draw the fangs 
of the first. Closing in on the others with constitutional amend- 
ments and holding judges continually subject to removal by the 
people will curb the tyranny of the latter. 

Rome was founded by runaway slaves. The Christian reli- 
gion was launched by the humblest. The two old parties are in 
the hands of the rich. Before either one will do what must be 
done the sun itself will be cold. Most of the Populists mean 
right, but their methods are contrary to the course of nature. 
We cannot jump into socialism. Some day, if the world will 
come to obedience to " the Second Great Commandment," it 
will find to its surprise that it has become completely 
socialistic. 

The place to begin to organize the new party is among labor- 
ing men. They may not understand the intricacies of financial 
science, but they will see at once what it means for labor when 
aU money must have not only the stamp of government, but the 
mark of the pick and shovel. And every farmer knows that 
when silver is restored to its natural place his produce will go 
up with it. 

If this new party should not succeed, a last and radical de- 
parture must be made. Change the form of representative gov- 
ernment) and let each class and calling be represented in propor- 
tion to numbers. Then for a certainty it will be run by labor- 



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58 THE ARENA. 

ers and farmers, and not by banks and lawyers. It is in the 
power of the two former classes to make this change, for they 
can outvote all the others. This country must be made one of 
happy homes of many persons of moderate means, with no 
beggars and no millionaires. 

Both of the old parties now have one and the same principle : 

"The public be d d, and what are you going to do about 

it?" For they know that there is now no change for the peo- 
ple except from Cleveland-Shermanism to Sherman- Cleveland- 
ism. And there will never be any other if men try to reform 
old parties. 

The railroad question must be settled later on, possibly by 
the Liberal party, perhaps by another new one. The manipu- 
lators of these properties are ignorant of the fact that by prec- 
edents and by decisions of the supreme court of the United 
States all private property in railroads can be taken without 
pay. We have only to apply the principles of the various bank 
decisions from McCulloch vs. Maryland down. But there is not 
room here to give any details. 



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PROSTITUTION WITHIN THE MARRIAGE BOND. 



BY B. O. FLOWEB. 



Unworthv of the gift, how have men trod 
Her pearls of pureness, swine-like, in the sod I 
How often have they offered her the dust 
And ashes of the f anned-out fires of lost. 
How have men captured her with savage grips, 
To stamp the kiss of conquest on her lips,— 
Wooed her with passions that hut wed to fire 
With Hvmen'a torch their own funereal pyre; 
Stripped her as slave and temptress of desire ; 
Embraced the body when her soul was far 
Beyond possession as the loftiest star I 

Her whiteness hath been tarnished by their touch ; 
Her Promise hath been broken in their clutch ; 
The woman hath reflected man too much,— 
And made the bread of life with earthiest leaven. 

Our coming queen must be the bride of Heaven ; 

The wife who will not wear her bonds with pride 

As adult doll with fripperies glorified : 

The mother fashioned on a nobler plan 

Than woman who was merely made from man. 

—GERALD MASSET. 

The fatal results flowing from false or artificial ideals are 
nowhere more impressively illustrated than in the domain of 
ethics, and here they are most strikingly emphasized in matters 
pertaining to sexual relations. For generations the church and 
society have tacitly sanctioned prostitution when veiled by the 
respectability accorded by the marriage ceremony, until we have 
fallen so low that men have come to imagine they can indulge 
in licentiousness and debauchery from which the instincts of 
the lower animals recoil, and at the same time, or later, bring 
children into the world who will not be cursed with that which 
is worse than leprosy or cancer. Indeed, so universal has 
become the moral obliquity resulting from this age-long deg- 
radation that it is no uncommon thing for a physician to advise 
a young man who has literally burned away the finer sensibili- 
ties of his soul and wrecked his nervous system through sexual 
indulgences, to marry some healthy young girl in order to save 
himself from insanity. Any objection which may be raised is 
flippantly met by that popular but infamous apology for lust 
which carries with it a brutally frank confession of society's 
degradation, that the young man has merely been " sowing his 

09 



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60 THE ARENA. 

wild oats"; and in all probability we shall be gravely informed 
that he will make all the better husband for so doing. 

No thought is given to the maiden who is to be polluted by 
this union with a man who has wallowed in the mire of sensual- 
ity until his imagination is filled with low and vile images, his 
brain has lost its virility, and his system has become weakened 
and permeated with disease. Nor does conventional society, 
which is so particular about fornix so punctilious in regard to 
the outside of the cup, consider the crime against the woman or 
the evil which posterity may receive from encouraging the 
generation of life from a fountain so impure and loathsome. 
This indifference on the part of conventionalism to the sacrifice 
of virginity and the rights of the unborn, marks a condition 
which is the legitimate result of centuries of prostitution within 
the marriage relation. 

For ages men regarded women as slaves, whose duty it was 
to perform menial tasks, wait upon them, anft be the instruments 
of their sensual gratification. Later, among the wealthier 
classes, woman became more or less a doll or petted child, who for 
sweetmeats, flattery, and fine presents was expected to give her 
body to her master. Still later, she was supposed to come into 
much higher and truer relations to man; but, unfortunately, 
this was more largely theoretical than actual. And at the 
present time, in order to consider one of the chief factors in the 
immorality of to-day, we must frankly face the problem of 
prostitution within the marriage relation. 

A short time ago, I was enabled to obtain the opinion of a 
lady whose exceptional opportunities, no less than her high 
intellectual and moral worth, rendered her specially fitted to 
speak authoritatively upon the question of the producing causes 
of immorality. She is one of the most scholarly physicians it 
is my privilege to know ; a lady whose moral worth is equal to 
her intellectual attainments and professional skill, as was 
evinced by her giving up, to a great extent, a large and lucrative 
practice for the purpose of devoting her life to the building up 
of a home where poor defenceless girls who have been seduced 
are being rescued, and in many cases redeemed to lives of self- 
respecting virtue. This lady, in reply to my question as to 
what she regarded as the most pronounced root-cause of pres- 
ent-day sensualism, made, in substance, the following statement: 

u Of course there are many producing causes of immorality ; 
but back of all, or shall I say the taproot of immorality to-day, 
is found in prostitution within the marriage relation, which for 
centuries has produced children of lust, and these children in 
turn have brought forth their kind until the moral fabric is weak- 
ened throughout civilization. And were it not for the persistent 



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PBOSTITUTION WITHIN THE MABBIAGE BOND. 61 

voice of the divine in the human brain and the counteracting 
influence of exalted religious sentiments, our degradation would 
have eclipsed that which marked the decline of pagan Rome. 
Girls are sorely tempted through the exigencies of life at the 
present time ; and in many cases where they fall, their ruin is 
practically compulsory — an alternative of yielding to the em- 
ployer's unholy demands or of losing" the chance to earn a liveli- 
hood ; hence, though no personal violence may have marked the 
crime, it is essentially rape. But in many cases, the victims of 
man's sensual passion might have successfully resisted, had it not 
been for the fact that they were essentially children of lust, and 
had inherited the' violent and ungovernable passions of their 
fathers^ which in their case, when aroused, rendered them as 
powerless to resist the cufining, determined advances of their 
polluters as, perhaps, the young lust-begotten victims of an 
earlier generation had been to repel the wiles laid for them by 
the fathers of these poor girls." 

Such were the ideas given by this scholarly and noble-minded 
woman, whose experience with scores of unfortunate girls had 
afforded her exceedingly favorable opportunities for studying 
the cause of the widespread corruption of virginity, and whose 
interest in the cause of sound morality had led her to investigate 
thoroughly all phases of the problem. 

A lady who is president of the Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union in her state, and who is also a lecturer of great 
ability, whose reputation has extended far beyond the common- 
wealth in which she lives, writes in the same vein. Her' letter 
is impassioned and positive, for, like the physician whose views 
have just been given, the terrible truth is daily forced upon her. 
She says : 

" I am intensely interested in your * Wellsprings and Feeders 
of Immorality.' Pardon me, but I think you give too little 
prominence to lust and prostitution within marriage. Here is 
the very centre of the whole question. You may well say that 
'the future of civilization hangs on this point.' Prostitution 
outside of marriage, and the unspeakable evils resulting there- 
from, are as a drop to the unfathomable, immeasurable ocean of 
evils that spring directly from the marriage relation — or, 
rather, the ceaseless indulgence of lust within that relation. 
And this is true among the better classes as among the rude and 
uncultured. 

"For many years, as organizer and lecturer for the Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union, I have been brought into the most 
familiar relations with hundreds of families outside as well as 
inside the White Ribbon army. Being a mother and grand- 
mother, there have come to me, unsought, confidences from 



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62 THE ARENA. 

young wives and mothers that have filled me with deepest pity, 
and at the same time with unquenchable indignation. It is by 
no means the exception, but rather the rule, that during preg- 
nancy the wife must yield to the demand of the husband's lust, 
not occasionally but constantly — as often as there are nights in 
the month ; and not infrequently must she give herself up to 
this awful harlotry before her baby is two weeks old. Under 
these circumstances how can boys and girls ever be born with 
other than the most pronounced tendencies toward lust and 
prostitution? 

"And in my wide experiences all over the country^ I find these 
husbands are reputable men in business circles, very often in 
church circles as well. And they do not fail to tell their wives 
that Paul hath commanded the wife W> obedience; that she hath 
not ' power over her own body, but the husband ' ; that * they 
defraud not one another,* that they 'come together ap:ain that 
Satan tempt them not for their incontinency.* This from the 
church, while the civil law has always given great weight to the 
husband's 'marital rights.' 

" In God's name what is there for these young wives half so 
good as death ? And the sooner the better." 

Another lady, a public speaker of national prominence, said to 
me a few months ago : " Prostitution without the marriage bond 
is insignificant compared to the essential prostitution which is 
bearing most deadly fruit in wedlock. I speak from knowledge, 
for women are my confidantes, and the tales they tell wring my 
heart and sometimes seem past belief. The common prostitute," 
she added, " is far freer than the wife who is nightly the victim 
of the unholy passion of her master, who frequently further in- 
flames his brain by imbibing stimulants." 

Nor are women alone in their conclusions on this point. Here 
are the words of a prominent manufacturer in Mississippi, a gen- 
tleman in the flower of vigorous manhood : 

" The causes you enumerate as the chief feeders of prostitu- 
tion are in my estimation the correct ones; and the first one you 
mention in my judgment far overshadows all the others. 

" The standard of morals for unmarried women is good 
enough, but there is no adequate standard of morals that goes 
beyond the marriage ceremony. In fact, it is inculcated strongly 
upon our girls and women that their only duty is first to marry, 
entirely independent of any love that they may or may not feel 
for the husband they may secure, and then to bear children to 
that husband. 

" It goes even farther than this : the present standard of mor- 
als and the present statute laws say that, no matter how her or 
his feelings may be, it is their duty to continue to have children, 



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PROSTITUTION WITHIN THE MARRIAGE BOND. 63 

or at least to render themselves likely to do so, no matter how 
repugnant their feelings may become as time after marriage 
elapses. It is the vast swarm of children that spring from this 
unloving intercourse that is the great * wellspring of immoral- 
ity ' ; and this cause must be removed before a pure generation 
can by any possibility be born. 

" I endorse your quotation from Dr. Anna B. Gray referring 
to the majority of girls ; c they feel no passion.' This holds 
good, even after having adopted the profession of a prostitute, 
for very, very few of them feel any passion whatever. It is be- 
cause they lack the saving grace of the feeling of love, which if 
felt would render sacred to them the act of sexual intercourse, 
that they are able to prostitute it. They, and their mothers for 
generations back, have been taught to believe that there was noth- 
ing sacred about it ; that its indulgence was a legitimate method of 
making a living, if only indulged under the auspices of law. 
They must marry, and must marry some one capable of support- 
ing them ; and in return for this support they must give the use 
of their bodies, and must bear children, and must continue to do 
so so long as they are supported and no actual violence is done 
their bodies, love being left entirely as it may happen to be. 

" Girls born of such intercourse, for several successive genera- 
tions, must lack the saving grace of love. It is bred into their 
every fibre that they are given their sexuality as a means of 
making a living ; and it is no wonder that, failing marriage, they 
feel no revolt at exercising the same means to the same end out 
of marriage. In fact, it is an evidence of the wonderful capacity 
of good and virtue in the human race that it has not all been ex- 
tinguished in the process. 

"All that you have said on this question is wonderfully good. 
For t/ie children already bom, all that can be done is to educate 
and restrict. Education of the young girls is the most potent 
factor that can be brought to bear for the present generation. 
But if you would go to the absolute fountain-head — cut off the 
stream at its source — you must teach that no child must be 
born except under the influence of love. A few generations of 
this kind would practically dry up the stream of pollution, not 
only because the girls would not prostitute themselves, but be- 
cause the men so born would not tempt them to do so. 

" You are eminently correct in saying that ' The question of 
sex does not enter into the problem of soul elevation or debase- 
ment.' The same influence that would render our women pure 
would have a similar effect upon the men. As long as the 
nature of men, debased by being born under the influence of 
bodily passion only, demands prostitutes, so long will there be 
found women born under the same influence to supply them. 



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64 THE ABENA. 

Some day the public will find out that this begetting of children, 
un tempered by the saving grace of love, is the weilspring of not 
only this, but of all phases of immorality. In the age to come 
(how soon neither you nor I can tell), conventional immorality 
must, in the estimation of the people at large, give place to real 
immorality. 

" You are less the slave of convention than any prominent 
man of whom I know, and I believe you will be but little influ- 
enced by conventional ideas in your discussion of this matter ; at 
the same time, we have been so thoroughly steeped in them, from 
the cradle up, that it is hard for any of us to get entirely free, 
and consider good and evil from the standpoint of truth, and 
truth alone. If we would sow absolutely good seed, it must be 
the truth alone, not expediency. It is useless for us to argue 
with a man that he has committed an actual evil by purchasing 
the gratification of his passion from a girl outside of the mar- 
riage bond, if in the same breath we argue that if instead of pay- 
ing money he had paid the price of marriage, he would have been 
not only guiltless, but an exceedingly virtuous man. The only 
moral sexual relation that can exist is where the two are united 
by love. I am afraid it is too early to get the people at large to 
accept this fact, but I do believe it is time the seed were being 
sown, that the harvest may sometime come. 

"I say God speed you in your crusade against all 'other 
sources of immorality * ; but make the keynote of your crusade, 
the buying and selling of girls and women, entirely irrespective 
of whether or not the buying is done with a marriage ring. 
Until girls are convinced that it is immoral to use their powers 
of physical attraction to secure a rich or otherwise profitable 
husband, it will be impossible to convince them that, failing to 
secure that as a price, it is immoral to sell* themselves for a lesser 
price. They may be convinced that it is poor policy to sell 
themselves thus, but, except conventionally, there is no difference 
in the real morality of it. So long as they are taught that the 
chief reason why tbey should keep themselves pure, is that to do 
otherwise would injure their marriageable value, they will fail to 
observe anything but the expediency of keeping themselves pure. 
So long as a girl who has gone wrong, and whom an attempt is 
being made to reclaim, is told that she has committed an unpar- 
donable sin, by another who has sold herself, but who has done it 
conventionally and who takes pride in her own purity, she will 
never be convinced." 

It is not necessary to multiply testimony to emphasize the 
far-reaching and baleful influence of triumphant lust under the 
cloak of marriage ; the facts are too patent to escape the notice 
of any serious 6tudent of social conditions. But physicians 



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PBOSTITUTION WITHIN THE MABBIAGE BOND. 65 

who enjoy the confidence of their patients and women in public 
life are more alive to the magnitude of the evil, in that they are 
brought into sympathetic relations with women. 

" A neighbor of mine," wrote a correspondent, " has married 
his third wife this week. The others were healthy girls when 
he married them, but his last wife, when on her deathbed, re- 
lated the story of her married misery to my wife ; a tale too 
horrible and sickening to repeat. She said she was glad she 
was about to die, as she had felt many times that she would lose 
her mind. * Do you know,' she exclaimed to my wife, 'people 
say our asylums are full of farmers ' wives owing to the monot- 
ony of the farm life. It is monotonous, I confess, but I believe 
that the cause lies more in the abuse, often ignorant abuse, of 
the wives by the husbands.' The man of whom I write wildly 
bemoaned his fate at the funeral of each of his former wives. 
But from what his second wife said on her deathbed I do not 
doubt but what he killed them in exercising what he considered 
his marital rights. He is a prominent church member, and con- 
siders himself a highly moral man." 

So wrote this correspondent, giving a hint of the tragedies 
which are being enacted every day throughout that portion of 
the world we boastingly call civilized. A slothful conservatism 
seeks to impress woman with the idea that she is free, and that 
to be coddled or flattered in slavery is for her an ideal and ulti- 
mate condition. It even gravely informs her that she is the real 
ruler; and, sad to relate, this calumny is not infrequently par- 
roted by women who instead of learning to think independently 
have been content for ages to take their ideas unquestioningly from 
their clergymen, their fathers, brothers, and husbands. It does 
not occur to these echoes that, if woman rules, she has sealed 
her hopeless degradation by the passing of such immoral laws as 
the age-of-consent statutes, or that she has championed injustice 
in the statutes which relate to marriage and which practically 
make her the dependent and, in a measure, the slave ( of her 
husband. Happily the echoes among women are rapidly giving 
place to independent thinkers, who appreciate the grave respon- 
sibilities woman owes to posterity, no less than to her sex ; and 
in this recognition lies, to a great degree, the promise of the 
future. 

No more unblushing falsehood has ever been made current by 
conventionalism than that woman is free in the marriage relation. 
Society clings most tenaciously to ancient ideals and customs, 
and is ever ready to cast discredit upon the outraged wife who 
braves the dicta of conservatism, even for the protection of 
posterity from disease and lust-cursed offspring. Law also 
places her at a disadvantage, in that the plea of sexual excess is 



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66 THE ABEKA. 

not regarded as a crime by the courts, since the laws do not rec- 
ognize the right of the wife to her body. 

Our statutes, furthermore, do not protect the sacred rights of 
individuals by providing that divorce cases be heard in private ; 
and this, in effect, would prevent a large majority of women 
from securing legal separation an account of sexual excesses, or 
what is virtually compulsory prostitution; not only because 
society has so long been accustomed to stone the woman that 
the unfortunate victim of lust would inevitably fall under the 
ban of conventionalism if she unfolded to the world the story of 
her enforced degradation, but because her innate moral sensibility 
would lead her in many cases to choose a life of physical and 
mental agony and an early grave in preference to having the 
details of her shame and humiliation made the subject of gossip 
at sewing circles, afternoon teas, and among men in their clubs, 
after being flaunted in the columns of the sensational press. 

Again, a large number of women are rendered absolutely de- 
pendent upon their husbands, because there is no equitable 
statutory provision for the wife's becoming possessor of a por- 
tion of her husband's property at the marriage altar. Hence if 
she leaves the man who has forfeited all claim to her love and 
respect by nameless abuses of that which must be regarded as 
holy if humanity is to rise and the children who come are to be 
clean and exalted natures; if she refuses to descend into the 
valley of death to bring forth children dowered with disease 
and inordinate passion, and thus destined to be a curse to them- 
selves and to the society of to-morrow, — if she asserts the divinity 
within her, she must needs go forth penniless and under the ban 
of conventionalism for being true to herself and for respecting 
the rights of the unborn and her obligations to posterity. 

Hence it is not strange that diseases peculiar to woman's 
organism are becoming so prevalent and of so serious a charac- 
ter as to startle physicians. Nor is it strange that between one 
and two thousand women in the United States each year are 
driven by disease or through desperation to submit to the awful 
operation which renders them sexless. 

Furthermore, this frightful condition of affairs, with the lower- 
ing of the vitality of motherhood, is by no means the only 
major evil incident to prostitution within the marriage relation. 
The race is suffering from the moral enervation which fol- 
lows as an inevitable consequence of the degradation of the 
sacred function of motherhood. Women have for ages been 
taught obedience to their husbands, and this command has been 
supplemented by the injunction to be fruitful and multiply. 
Too often the wife has found herself in the embrace of a human 
gorilla, swayed by animal passion, when she had expected to 



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PROSTITUTION WITHIN THE MARRIAGE BOND. 67 

find a kingly-souled man, whose fine nature would recognize 
her rights and desires, and whose ever-present thoughtfulness 
would speak more eloquently than words of the existence of 
love in his heart. And she has been compelled to bear children 
of lust; and what is, if possible, even more terrible, she has 
been compelled to become a mother time and again after all love 
for her husband has been slain, and when the home is far more 
a hell than a heaven. Herein is found the worst of all kinds of 
prostitution. Into these homes of hate the loveless children 
come, cursed at the beginning of life, canopied by bitterness 
and gloom in the prenatal state, and surrounded by an atmosphere 
of hate and bitterness through which the storms of angry conten- 
tion sweep with their blasting influence during the most plastic 
years of life. Is it strange that they come to express the worst 
instead of the best in human nature, or that the appeal to con- 
science and their higher morality awakens little or no response 
in their minds ? 

And yet generations come and go, and the pulpit, platform, 
and press remain silent. The subject has so long been tabooed 
that a mawkish sentiment of prudery, essentially vicious because 
it is the stronghold of immorality, is shocked whenever sound 
morality is advocated or the mantle robing the leprosy of society 
is lifted. The protest made by conventionalism against boldly 
facing and discussing the question of morality within the marriage 
bond, is in itself a humiliating confession of conventionalities own 
sense of guilt. Tet it is only by such discussion and the persistent 
agitation of the demand that woman be accorded rights she has 
never possessed that we may hope to so change moral conditions 
that love, not lust, shall stamp posterity and light the brow of 
the civilization of to-morrow. Generation after generation for 
many weary ages has been reared and entered marriage practi- 
cally ignorant of the true functions of the sexual nature, the 
essentially holy obligations of parenthood, the rights of wife and 
mother, the consideration and loving care which should be be- 
stowed upon the heroic, soul who descends into the valley of 
death to deliver to society another life, and, lastly, the sacred 
right of the unborn to be well born. 

About all these most vital subjects a fatal silence has been 
maintained — at the fireside, in the pulpit, and in the educational 
training of the young. I am convinced that a very large pro- 
portion of the misery and prostitution now being undergone 
within the marriage relation is due to this widespread ignorance. 
Ignorance and thoughtlessness are filling prisons and insane 
asylums to-day and dowering the civilization of to-morrow with 
a generation whose moral sensibilities are necessarily blunted, 
and who, through heredity and prenatal and post-natal influ- 



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68 THE ARENA. 

ences, are essentially creatures of lust rather than strong, clean- 
souled, clear-brained, heaven-aspiring men and women. 

I believe that if the thought of our young men be arrested, if 
their attention be called to the holy character of fatherhood, and 
if they understand the delicate nature of the organism of the 
wife they have sworn to love ; if the truth be borne in upon 
their brains and hearts, a large percentage of them will recognize 
the right and justice of the case and gladly accord to the wife 
that manly and loving consideration which is the sign-manual of 
true manhood. Ignorance, thoughtlessness, and the weakness 
born of centuries of allegiance to false standards and low ideals, 
the all-pervading conspiracy of silence, and woman! s inequality 
before the law — these are the chief sources of prostitution and 
misery within the marriage relation. It is the duty of all who 
would further sound morality to combat these and to work to 
supplant artificial standards of right and wrong by those based 
upon justice, which alone can produce felicity and moral eleva- 
tion. Gerald Massey strikes the keynote of progress for the 
race and justice for maternity in these impressive words : 

"The truth is, woman at her best and noblest must be mon- 
arch of the marriage-bed. We must begin in the creatory if we 
are to benefit the race, and woman must rescue and take care of 
herself and consciously assume all responsibilities of maternity on 
behalf of the children. No woman has any right to part with 
the absolute ownership of her own body ; but she has the right 
to be protected against all forms of brute force. No woman has 
any business to marry anything less than a man. No woman has 
any right to marry any man who will sow the seeds of hereditary 
disease in her darlings ; no, not for all the money in the world! 
No woman has any right, according to the highest law, to bear a 
child to a man she does not love." 

This brings us to a consideration of some effective remedies 
for this appalling condition which is so largely responsible for 
the immorality of our time. In the first place, knowledge is 
needed. Here and elsewhere nothing is more important than 
the light of understanding. Shakspere in one place says, 
" There is no darkness but ignorance " ; and in its firoadest sig- 
nificance I believe this generalization to be true. Knowledge in 
the moral and intellectual realms broadens the mental vision, 
quickens the conscience, and awakens the divine in man. This 
true education, which comprehends duties and responsibilities, 
no less than knowledge of facts, is what is most needed to-day. 

Children should be taught the mystery of their being at the 
parent's knee; and with this knowledge the demands of the 
highest morality, the duties and obligations which the most 
exalted natures appreciate, should be impressed upon the open- 



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PBOSTITUTION WITHIN THE MABRIAGB BOND. 69 

ing mind. Every girl should be carefully instructed in regard 
to the rights and the sacred obligations of the wife and mother. 
She should be made to understand that it is no part of her duty 
to pander to sensualism, even in a husband ; that to do so is to 
prostitute the divine function of motherhood. She should be 
made to feel that the sacred obligations she owes to herself, to 
society, and to the unborn, make it criminal, in the light of the 
highest law, for her to degrade her body and soul by indulging 
in sexual excess or by bringing into the world unweloome 
children, offspring of accident and lust. 

Moreover, each girl should be taught to respect her higher 
nature, and to entertain such exalted ideals that it would be im- 
possible for her to knowingly wed a fallen man. She should be 
shown that she commits an awful crime when she enters a life 
relationship with one whose corrupt deeds have proved that his 
imagination is debased and diseased. She should be made to 
know and feel that loyalty to the divine within herself, the du y 
she owes to society and to the unborn, all forbid her entering 
into an alliance which cannot be other than unholy and fraught 
with grave perils. So long as girls will wed fallen men and con- 
done the sowing of wild oats, the double standard of morals, with 
its race-debauching influence, will prevail. And so long as girls 
will consent to marry men who have polluted their natures by 
frequenting houses of prostitution or by debauching other girls 
and Women, they will become parties in the awful crime of dow- 
ering the future with children of lust and passion. 

Nor is this all; the imagination of all children should be filled 
with pure, inspiring, and exalted ideals. The old theory that a 
garden spot might remain unsown with flowers and yet escape 
bringing forth noxious weeds, provided it were fenced from the 
weeds which flourished on every side and whose seeds were 
borne by every passing zephyr, has proved fallacious ; the weeds 
find entrance in spite of the fence. Ignorance is no protection. 
Thorough knowledge of the functions of nature, and the dangers, 
duties, and obligations attending them, is all-important. But 
this should be supplemented with unremitting effort to fill 
the imagination with all that is highest, purest, best. The 
imagination is the garden of destiny — the fruitful soil from 
which spring virtue or vice, high attainments or evil deeds. 
If, after the brain has been enlightened and the conscience 
awakened, the imagination be constantly stimulated with exalted 
ideals, the youth or maiden, even though cursed with inherited 
passion, will be brought up from the cellar of being into the 
realm of the higher life. 

But this is not all ; the old ignorance has crystallized into cus- 
toms, laws, and ideals which are essentially unjust and out *of 



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70 THE ABENA. 

keeping with the broader views of our age. In order that woman 
may cease to be in any sense the slave of her husband, provision 
should be made for her to become possessed at marriage of half 
the property the husband owns, with an additional amount to be 
hers whenever a child is born. If, on account of cruelty, abuse, 
or neglect, she finds life with her husband unbearable, she should 
have this property in her own right. The true interests of society 
and sound morality cannot be conserved by compelling a woman 
to live with a man who has forfeited her respect and love. 
When a woman is forced to bear children to a man she hates or 
no longer loves, she is by law obliged to prostitute her body, 
and the child is cursed before it is born. I yield to no man m 
my regard for the sacred relations of married life ; the sanctity 
and purity of the home I believe to be essential to enduring 
civilization ; but I am not blind to the fact that marriage, home, 
and posterity are alike dishonored when women are forced to 
submit to sexual abuses which are revolting to their souls and 
which wreck their physical health ; and I can conceive of few 
crimes greater than the bringing into the world of children of lust 
or hate. 

I believe that divorces should be freely granted to women 
when their husbands persist in indulging in sexual abuses, when 
they drink, or when they treat their wives with that cruel 
neglect which kills love. And I furthermore- believe that 
divorce cases should be heard in private, that the press should 
be prohibited from parading the details of shame and humilia- 
tion which are filling the lives of so many suffering wives with 
untold misery. I believe that the jury in divorce cases should 
be composed of at least one-half women ; and in the event of a 
divorce being granted, I believe that the mother who bore the 
children should have their custody unless there be special and 
obvious reasons for the court to decide otherwise. In a word, 
for the welfare of parenthood, for the rights of the unborn, and 
for the cause of sound morality, I would favor such wise and 
just legislation as would protect women from a life of prostitu- 
tion under the sanction of law and respectability. 

The time has come when society must recognize the fact 
that prostitution, even though sanctioned by the church and 
state in the marriage ceremony, is none the lees prostitution, and 
that its fruits are altogether debasing. This fact must be burned 
into the heart of our civilization if the reign of lust is to give 
place to the rule of love. 

I confess I have no sympathy with those who are trying to 
force married women into still more hopeless slavery to the 
lust of their husbands by attempting to secure legislation which 
would grant divorces only in cases where marital infidelity was 



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PE08TITtrH0N WITHIN THE MARRIAGE BOND. 71 

proved. The result of this would be a vast increase in the 
amount of prostitution within the marriage relation and a cor- 
responding increase in the number of the children of lust and 
hate, and nothing is more menacing to morality and civilization 
than this double evil. Moreover, it would place woman at a 
frightful disadvantage. She might know that her husband was 
leading an adulterous life, but for reasons so obvious that it is 
needless to dwell upon them it would be almost impossible for 
her to produce in court the evidence which would establish the 
fact. Then, again, her husband might be a " sex maniac," as 
thousands of men are, yet, under the regime contemplated 
by the advocate of "divorce for one cause only," that fact 
would not be sufficient ground for legal separation. The hus- 
band while under the baleful influence of liquor might insist 
upon indulgence in his passion, with the result that children born 
of rum-inflamed lust would be the issue. Nay, more, he might 
be a drunkard, he might neglect or be cruel to his wife, yet she 
would be helpless. 

It is idle and absurd to say she could leave him. The major- 
ity of women who are wrecked in health, and perhaps encum- 
bered by one or more children, have no means of resource for a 
livelihood. The years they might have spent in learning a pro- 
fession have been wasted in administering to a man who prom- 
ised much, but who after marriage proved unworthy of love or 
respect. Now, to forbid such a woman to obtain a divorce, who 
through no fault or sin of her own is driven to that step, or to 
prohibit her from again marrying would be, in effect, to chain 
her for life to the debauched and debased creature she loathes, 
and in all probability to make her an unwilling instrument in 
cursing posterity with children born of rum and passion on the 
father's side and loathing on the part of the helpless but pros- 
tituted wife. Laws which would operate in such a way are not 
only cruelly unjust to the wife, but they are essentially criminal 
and immoral. * 

When justice is accorded to woman in the marital relation, 
and she shall be protected from enforced maternity and prosti- 
tution, then I believe the time will come when society will recog- 

* Some apologists for this woman-enslaving and posterity-cursing measure argue 
that it would, in effect, operate upon men as upon women. But this is manifestly 
false, and no one who did not feel he had conventional prejudice with him would dare 
advance such a plea. The husband may. could, and in innumerable cases would, 
neglect his wife. He could far more easily lead a dual life than his wife. He would 
not be blind to the fact that though she might be convinced that he was leading an 
adulterous life he could easily prevent her from securing evidence which would estab- 
lish his guilt in a court of law when the jury was composed of men. And he, knowing 
she was bound to him, could neglect and abuse, could reduce her to an instrument of 
the vilest lust and feel safe ; for he would know that unless she could prove marital in- 
fidelity she could not obtain a divorce, whUe he would be equally conscious of the fact 
that she would be driven to starvation or common prostitution if she left him, without 
the power to wed again and with no trade or profession to furnish her support. 



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72 THE ARENA. 

nize the fact that true marriage is impossible where the two 
contracting parties are not drawn together by pure love ; and the 
love which shall so unite husband and wife will not only hold 
them together, but will ever draw them up ward toward the loftiest 
ideals, and the children of such a union will be the welcome off- 
spring of love. I believe the time will come when civilization will 
recognize the injury inflicted on society by the grave infraction 
of the moral law by whioh children of lust or hate come as a 
fruit of enforced maternity. 

Without in the least degree seeking to minify the awful mis- 
take she makes, I ask, in the light of the highest moral law, 
which is the greater offence, the yielding of a loving and confid- 
ing girl to the entreaties of her seducer, who protests love and 
pledges his honor to wed her, or the spending of years of essen- 
tial prostitution by a wife who constantly receives the embraces 
of a man for whom she entertains an unspeakable loathing, a 
man who perhaps comes to her inflamed by ardent spirits, and 
who, as a result of such relation, brings into the world a family 
of lust-begotten children? Do not misunderstand me as con- 
doning the fearful mistake, or seeking in any degree to minify 
the wrong of which the young girl is guilty ; but I do wish to 
point out the fact that, if we divest our minds of prejudice and 
preconceived opinions and view this question in the light of ab- 
solute justice, of right, of the highest morality, and if we ex- 
amine it in its relation to the welfare of society, we shall see that 
the poor girl who is spurned and made an outcast for her grave 
error is not so great an offender against society as the one who 
enjoys the respect of conventionalism while she curses the gen- 
eration of to-morrow by bringing forth children who will reflect 
the worse than bestial passions and appetites of the father and 
the degradation and hate of the outraged mother. But here we 
find that society and the law are the principal offenders by 
rendering such prostitution practically compulsory. 

The duty which we owe to civilization, and which we cannot 
evade without terrible consequences, pertains to the highest 
moral law and the true well-being of society. The artificial, 
unjust, and arbitrary standards of the past have too frequently 
disregarded essential morality, the obligations which men and 
women owe to their higher nature, and their duties to society and 
posterity. These false and inequitable standards, which have 
borne such fatal fruit, must give place to true and sound morality, 
which will accord full justice to woman, and which will wisely look 
beyond the present generation and consider the rights of the 
unborn. The cultivation of pure, fine ideals ; the exaltation of love 
and the subjugation of sensualism ; the awakening of conscience, 
which will lead to indelibly impressing upon the minds of young 



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PROSTITUTION WITHIN THE MARRIAGE BOND. 73 

and old the obligation of the units to the world of units ; the 
. emphasizing of the dignity of life by sending home to the souls 
of the young the great and solemn truths that " life is a mis- 
sion," " life is duty," " life is conscience," — these are some of 
the things for men and women of the new time to accomplish ; 
and the prompt recognition of our responsibility will do much 
for the emancipating of motherhood and childhood, and for that 
justice for women which will bear with it the felicity and happi- 
ness of the race. It is to emancipated and awakened woman- 
hood that we must turn for that moral reformation which shall 
redeem the world. High and noble as woman has proved her- 
self to be, we have not yet seen her at her best, for we have not 
seen her strong in the possession of justice and freedom. In- 
deed, with Gerald Massey, we can say that as yet, 

44 We have but glimpsed a moment in her face 

The glory she will give the future race: 

The strong, heroic spirit knit beyond 

All induration of the diamond. 

She is the natural bringer from above, 

The earthly mirror of immortal lore, 

The chosen mouthpiece for the mystic word 

Of life divine to speak through and be heard 

With human voice, that makes its heavenward call 

Not in one virgin motherhood, but alL" 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 1 



BY JOHN CLARK RIDPATH. 



The ebb of the old time of sorrow 
Goes out with a sigh to the sea. 

There comes a beautiful story out of the tradition of 
ancient Iran. It is the myth of Armati and the Geus Urva. 
Armati was the earth, and had a soul called Geus Urva. 
Man, coming to put seed into the ground, cut the breast of 
Armati with his plow. Then the Geus Urva cried out in 
anguish to the high angels to defend Armati from her 
ravishers. But not the good Sraosha and not the mighty 
Ormuzd would hear the cry or stop the plowman. Armati, 
wounded with the cruel harrow and the share, was left to 
suffer and to moan in pain ; but in recompense for her sorrow 
she was given the flowers and fruits and waving grain to 
hide the wounds in her bosom. 

Thought is a plowshare. It lacerates the breast of the 
existing order. It cuts through the interlocked roots of 
custom, and turns the contented clay to the discontented 
sunlight It rends the noxious past that would otherwise 
be an eternal fallow. It draws through the fields of the 
world the long, sweet-smelling furrows of hope, and gives 
the beetles to the birds. Then, with rain and shine, with 
vicissitude of storm and blessedness of summer, with alter- 
nations of merciless sleet and flashes of burning sun, the 
flowers come and the world grows green and the wildwoods 
blossom and the orchards bend with globes of russet and 
red and gold. 

All literature is the cry of a Geus Urva. The novel, in 
particular, is an appeal. It is a vox clamant is, uttered as 
if to the powers on high. In odr epoch the voice sounds like 
a wail. There is anguish in the tones of the prevalent fic- 
tion heard along all the coasts of life. It is a moan. It is 
virtually the plea of despair. The heart aches with it, and 

• "An Unofficial Patriot," bj Helen H. Gardener. Second edition. The Arena 
Company, Boston, 1895. 

74 



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AH EPOCH AND A BOOK. 75 

the soul sits uncomforted in the shadow. The dolor of our 
dominant fiction is only equalled by its hopeless spirit. 

Nor is the reason for this grief and despair in the typical 
literature of the age far to seek. The glorious effort made 
in America and France a hundred years ago to free mankind 
from the thraldom of the Middle Ages and to institute lib- 
erty and truth and philanthropy in human society has virtu- 
ally failed — failed in the Old World and the New; and the 
soul of man knows it His spirit goes wailing for the hope 
that is lost, for the trust that is not found. The heart of 
our century understands well that it has been mocked and 
drugged. Thus deceived and darkened, it seeks to find com- 
fort in crooning like a melancholy ghost over the hopeless- 
ness of hope. Despair has become the mood of modern life 
— not roaring and ferocious despair as in the ages of dark- 
ness, but despair that insinuates itself, almost gently, into 
the literary creations of the epoch. 

Very sorrowful is the poor Geus Urva that now cries in 
the world of letters. A shadow rests on critique and story. 
The master and the pupil sit grieving together. The singer 
and the song dwell in the same gloom. Thought sinks 
earthward; it does not soar away. The oration of the 
academician is thick with pessimism; the drama is a 
phantom of mephitic vapor; the scholar's thesis has the 
taste of gall. The poem is flecked with distrust Swin- 
burne, greatest of modern bards, utters this hopeless plaint: 

Ah ! yet would God that stems and roots were bred 
Out of my weary body and my head; 

That sleep were sealed upon me with a seal. 
And I were as the least of all His dead. 

Without doubt the modern novel is a transcript of unrest, 
disappointment, pain, and sighing. What does Elsmere 
find at the last? Sawdust — a mere ash-heap of effete 
beliefs, odorous of death, covered with flies. What does 
Harraden leave us? The saddest man in the world — most 
pitiable, uncomforted, going back alone to the fatal haunts 
of Petecshof, leaving her who only could have saved his soul 
dead in the streets of London. What does Du Maurier give 
us? The mocking epic of a hopeless love; a poor virgin 
soul, made unconsciously unfit in her girlhood. He winds 
u fate worse than that of (Edipus, coil on coil, around the 
beautiful and gifted woman, and consigns her most artfully 
to hell in her teens. Does he weep? Neither he nor the 
manager of the morgue. It is pitiful. 
Do we blame these artists of the passing human scene? 



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76 THE ABENA. 

Only in this — that bearing us downward to the earth and 
pressing our faces into the very weeds and clay of death, 
they leave us there. They do not lead us away; they do 
not even permit us to rise. Our typical novelists of the 
decade turn us face to the ground, and bring up for us only 
worms and lizards of the night Doubtless the worms and 
the lizards of the night are there; but they are not all. The 
chrysalides of a thousand hopes are also in the grasses of 
this poor world; and, God willing, we will see them or die. 
Our typical novelists mock at all wings; they deny the 
dawn, and hold a parachute between us and the stars. 

It was ,not so from the beginning. Fiction did not always 
breathe out this hopeless anguish, this sodden death. The 
agony of the world has for many ages found a voice in its 
fiction. The greatest minds seem to have devised it as if 
to assuage their grief. But when did the greatest minds 
despair? Thirty-three years ago a book was published in 
nine languages on the same day. It was the book of an 
epoch. It was Hugo's immortal story of the Unhappy. It 
was — and is — the great prose epic of the nineteenth century. 
Is it a sorrowful book? Most sorrowful of all that was 
ever done by brain and pen uito the symbols and images of 
human speech. Does Hugo make us weep? Floods of 
tears! Does he take us through all anguish and filth and 
crime to the grave? Even so — to the obscure and unblessed 
weeds in the remotest corner of P&re Lachaise. There in- 
deed "the grass hides and the rain effaces." There undei 
the mildewed slab, with the bird-dirt on it, sleeps the sub- 
lime Christ-thief of the ages. Jean Valjean is in the clay. 
Even Cosette and Marius have forsaken him. 

II dort. Quoique le sort flit pour lui bien Strange, 
II vivait II mourut quand il n'eut pas son ange; 
La ohose ^implement d'elle-mgme arriva, 
Comme la nuit se fait lorsque le Jour a' en va. 

But is there despair at the grave of the Christ of the 
Galleys? Kay, nay; not despair, but a shout of victory! 
From that humble slab the spirit soars away triumphing. 
The crickets chirp in the grasses. The grief and anguish 
of the past are there forgotten. There the broken bread- 
window is at last repaired. There the jet-beads of the 
North Sea are better than those of England. There the 
Th&iardiers are bleached with mercy. The chain-gang is 
loosed, and the sewer is lighted. There even despair is for- 
gotten, and only hope, with wings open to summer zephyr 
and face upturned to cloud and sky, remains to smile among 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 77 

the sweet flowers that cover the holy and sunlit tomb. If 
the novelist of to-day broods over the earth, consorts with 
crime, and sinks down prone in the mire of death, his master 
— greater than all the kind — was not so. The grief of the 
world, though heavy, did not crush him to the earth or turn 
his face from the stars. 

Something of this magnificent spirit of revival has come 
again in Helen H. Gardener. In her latest fiction, "An 
Unofficial Patriot," she rises, victor-like, from the brink of 
the pit, and triumphs over the grief and despair of life. It 
is her merit that she does not intensify and does not share 
the hopeless spirit of the age. True, her books are touched 
with sorrow — else they were nothing. True, the pathos of 
the human scene is reflected in all her pages. True, there 
is a cry of the Geus Urva mingled with this woman's voice. 
True, the soil of many a fallow ground is torn up with her 
audacious plowshare; for she is a thinker and a breaker. 
She has gone fearlessly afield. Her appearance before the l 
public was in the character of an assailant She has at- 
tacked the abuses of the existing order with a vehemence 
strangely compounded of argument and sarcasm. Her 
assault has seemed like rashness; for who is strong enough 
to touch the existing order, and live? 

Mrs. Gardener first appeared in the lyceum as a promoter 
of social reforms. There her powers as an orator were 
quickly recognized. From the platform her bolts of truth 
ilew right and left. Then she essayed literature in a number 
of trial flights. Under cover of pen-names she attacked 
with great force the prevalent vices of society. Her work 
was that of a thinker, a student, an iconoclast. She came 
to her tasks with unbounded enthusiasm and courage, and 
with large attainments in social science. Her brochures 
and trial books appeared in rapid succession. About 1884 
she uttered and then published her anti-orthodox lectures 
on "Men, Women, and Gods." Then came a little book of 
stories, each with its particular significance. This series 
the author entitled "A Thoughtless Yes" — a catchword from 
one of Colonel IngersolPs poetic flights. Another series was 
called "Pushed by Unseen Hands." 

In these studies of the social state there is little continuity 
or plan. They hardly aspire to the rank of novels. They 
are mere sketches of nature — human nature — under the 
stress of the vicious forces that are dominant in modern 
society. In these books there is a single thread of thought 
running throughout the whole. It is a plea for the extinc- 
tion of those social vices which spring from custom, hered- 



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78 THE ABENA. 

ity, and the subjection of woman. The last thought is that 
which has aroused all the sublime anger of Helen Gardener's 
muse. It has been the inspiration of her literary career. 
The subjection of woman, with its attendant penumbra of 
shame and ultimate death of virtue, is the particular thing v 
which she cannot tolerate. 

Mrs. Gardener became a novelist with the publication of 
the story, "Is this your Son, my Lord? " The powers of the 
writer were displayed in this piece on a larger scale and 
more vehemently than before. Then came the book, "Pray 
you, Sir, whose Daughter? " These stories aroused public 
attention, not only by the author's brilliancy and audacity, 
but because they forced upon the apathetic and simpering 
circle of fashion the consideration of the vital questions of 
sex and society. A large part of the wholesome agitation 
which has recently taken place for the promotion of a higher 
sexual morality, and in particular for the preservation of 
the young girls of the poor, has sprung from the fearless and 
powerful assaults made by Helen Gardener. On this sub- 
ject she writes as one inspired. Her essays are those of a 
sociologist. 

The casual student of her books might get the impression 
that she is morbid on the relations of man and woman ; but 
it is by no means so. On the contrary, her nature is as fresh 
as the summer air, and her spirit as translucent as the sky. 
True, the stories of her books take us to filthy places, to 
haunts of crime, to /lens of vice, to sink-holes whose trap- 
doors open into the hatches of hell. But through it all she 
walks, not as a Cassandra of the muck, but as the shining 
and unscorched spirit in Cotnus. This is one of the reasons 
that her trial books have struck home to the awakening 
conscience of the American people and have become the 
basis of far-reaching reforms looking to the purification of 
society. Even while this article is writing the news comes 
of the passage by the legislature of Nebraska of an act for- 
bidding a woman to prostitute herself before the end of her 
eighteenth year. It is an echo of a widespread outcry and 
insurrection against a single feature of social depravity; 
and this cry, so far as we know, was first uttered in America 
by Helen H. Gardener. 

We have something to say, however, in criticism of Mrs. 
Gardener's books on the vices of society. They are. suffi- 
ciently courageous and truthful; they are sublime in fheir 
audacity. But it appears to us that the author has not 
thought out the question to the bottom. Her spirited 
assaults on the state of society are directed against abuses 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 79 

and not against the thing itself. She assails the vices of the 
existing order, as if those vices can be cured without revo- 
lutionizing the system out of which they spring. The mis- 
take in her philosophy is that she seems to think the existing 
order may be preserved, and its abuses destroyed. She 
seems to imagine that the leafage and blossoms and fruits 
of the social tree may be improved and changed into beauty 
and wholesomeness, and the tree itself be left standing. 
She imagines that mere results can be reformed. She 
assails the phenomena of society, failing to note that the 
vice is not in mere products, not in phenomena, not in 
blossom and fruitage, but in the existing order itself. 

In her first books Mrs. Gardener deduces her sketches 
mostly from the life of the metropolis, and the ramifications 
of that life into other parts of the country. She seems to 
suppose that a great society, numbering millions, com- 
pressed together in a city or cities, organized on the basis 
of property, dominated by an aristocracy of wealth devoid 
of a single altruistic element, devoted in its upper parts to 
the interests and pleasures of the beneficiaries, and in its 
lower parts to the production of a solid mass of human 
concrete crushed and stupefied, having no end in the system 
except to support the structure — she seems to suppose that 
such a society can by some sort of doctoring be improved 
and rectified, leaving its essence unimpaired by revolution. 
She would have us believe, at least by inference, that the 
fruits of such a system can be other than they are. 

Madam, the axe — your axe — has to be laid at the root 
of the tree. It has been so in every crisis from the begin- 
ning until now. Know that in human history no vicious and 
depraved organization ever reformed itself. Know that the 
existing order does not wish to be reformed. Know that 
the existing order is thoroughly satisfied with itself. Know 
that the fruits of it are legitimate. It is simply a case of 
kind after its kind. Helen Gardener has, we think, the 
genius to see this, and to know it She has the vision to 
penetrate the profounder depths of this great matter. She 
will presently come to understand that a society organized 
on the basis of property and not on the basis of life can never 
be other than that very thing the abuses of which she has so 
valiantly assailed. There is no medication which will do 
good when administered to mere results. 

Of course these truths are bitter and alarming. We know 
well that they lead logically to revolution and to the total 
reconstruction of modern society. And it will come to that. 
Sooner or later human society must be re-created on tho 



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80 THE ARENA. 

basis of life. We must begin with what the man is and 
what the woman is and what the child is, and not with what 
the man has and the woman possesses and the child can get 
The present order in Europe and America is founded on 
what the man has. There is not even a passing scrutiny as 
to the manner or right by which he has it 

New York, the metropolis of America, is based on what 
the man has. To that all things else are secondary. 
Neither can New York help it. There she stands, a writh- 
ing Laocoon! Under the shadow of such a system certain 
things will grow and flourish. There is no help for it 
Given the existing order, and Mrs. Gardener's family of 
Foster and family of Spillini will be the inevitable products. 
Men do not gather figs from thistles. The tenement system 
of New York is perfectly legitimate. Tammany and Wall 
Street and the muisons de joie of the Avenue are just as 
natural and inevitable under the existing system as are the 
elevated railways and Central Park. These are merely 
results; and the cause of them all is the structure of that 
society which is founded, not on what human beings are, but 
on what they possess. 

The same is true of the political vices which Mrs. Gardener 
and a hundred others have so powerfully attacked. Be* 
assured that Grady's Place is a legitimate product. Be 
assured that Ettie Burton and Queen Fan and Pauline 
Tyler are natural and inevitable. Be assured that Preston 
Mansfield can never marry and redeem and honor Minnie 
Kent, or poor Nell either, until the present order is done 
away. Be ^assured that the whole monstrous thing, from 
the under side of Mulberry Street to the upper side of 
Madison Square, from Spillini's and the Hotel Bismarck 
to the Waldorf and i:he Capitol at Albany, are the mere 
natural results of that social system which the slow process 
of the suns has entailed upon us as our inheritance in Amer- 
ica. Go on, ye reformers ! But sooner or later you will find 
It necessary to cut down to the heart of the disease, and to 
rebuild to the bottom the whole social structure on the ulti- 
mate principle that life is the first thing, and possession 
only an accident 

These remarks hold of Helen Gardener's first books, such 
as "A Thoughtless Yes," "Pushed by Unseen Hands," "Is 
this your Son. my Lord?" and "Pray you, Sir, whose 
Daughter? " The same may be said of most of her miscel- 
laneous sketches and trial flisrhts. These works are all 
inspired with the loftiest purpose. They strike at the 
abuses and crimes of modern society with the fearless 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 81 

audacity of an enraged woman. The only thing to be criti- 
cised and commented upon is that these barbed arrows of 
satire and denunciation — sprung by a delicate but coura- 
geous hand from the bowstring of a high resolve — fall short 
of Gessler's heart. They hit here and hit there, and sting 
and kill and damn, as they ought to do, the vermin of the 
social state; but the brave woman who sent these sharp 
shafts among the foes of sanity and virtue must understand 
that the eradication of results will not stay the ravages of 
disease, that apricots are not the fruit of the cactus, and 
that freedom and happiness in this world can never be 
attained while man is outweighed by merchandise. 

Unlike her first essays in fiction is Mrs. Gardener's latest 
book, "An Unofficial Patriot." We are almost surprised at 
the difference. The unlikeness of this work to its prede- 
cessors is as great as can be; but it is not inconsistent with 
them. "An Unofficial Patriot" is a study of the social, civil, 
and ethical conditions present in our country at the epoch of 
the Civil War. It goes deep into the domestic life of that 
period. The aggregate effect of African slavery on Ameri- 
can society is perhaps the keynote of the whole. An outline 
of the work may be briefly given. 

Griffith Davenport, son of a planter in the Shenandoah 
Valley, growing to manhood just before the war, gets a 
conscience. He falls under the influence of the religious 
evangelism then spreading in various forms through the 
mountain regions of Virginia. He becomes a convert to 
Methodism, and conceives it his duty to preach. On this 
point there is a break between him and his father. Fortu- 
nately the nature of Griffith is not so much impaired by his 
religion that he can no longer love. Astonishing as it may 
seem, his religion does not destroy his moral character. He 
falls in love with the daughter of another planter whose 
faith differs a little from his own. The family of Katherine 
LeRoy is Presbyterian. The Calvinistic conscience is not sqj 
much troubled about slavery as is the Arminian. 

Young Davenport takes his sweetheart, but continues a 
circuit rider. More and more he comes to see that for him 
— a preacher — slaveholding is immoral. But his father, old 
Major Davenport, an Episcopalian slaveholder in whom 
there is no guile, has no qualms. He dies and bequeaths his 
slaves to Griffith, and the young preacher is caught in the 
coils. Katherine, his wife, also receives her retinue of 
slaves. Griffith finds himself the unwilling possessor, the 
conscience-stricken owner, of more than twenty human 
chattels. He preaches and suffers; for he cannot free him- 



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82 THE ARENA. 

self. But at last, he breaks away. Hoping to escape, he 
manumits his slaves, and emigrates from Virginia, first to 
Washington, and afterwards into Indiana. 

The freed blacks of the Davenports follow their old master 
across the Potomac, and are lost amid the cruelties of eman- 
cipation. One old servant makes her way, heaven knows 
how, in the wake of the family to the Indiana home, and with 
her superstitions and devotion plays a conspicuous part in 
the story. The preacher becomes chastened under his losses 
and lessons. He is sued in a free state for harboring a free 
nigger! He has to make oath that she is not a servant, but 
a guest of the family. The wife suffers under social condi- 
tions that she cannot understand. The children grow up, 
boys and a girl. The war breaks out The three boys are 
swept into the Union army. The girl remains with the 
anxious mother, and waits. Battle-rack is in the earth and 
sky. The age of blood and regeneration reveals itself. At 
the suggestion of Governor Morton, Griffith Davenport is 
summoned by Lincoln to Washington, and commissioned to 
be a guide for the Union army in the Shenandoah. He goes, 
but not withbut a fearful conflict with his own nature. The 
president gives him his instructions, and sends him to the 
front. 

Riding as a scout before the army, the preacher traverses 
the very ground which hjid been sacred under the feet of his 
boyhood. He comes to his old home at Stony Mead. He 
looks into the clear mountain stream where he was baptized. 
He exposes his life to the rifles of Confederate scouts who 
are his old neighbors. The Rebel army is on the other side 
of the river. The laconic mountaineer, Lengthy Patterson, 
acting as a Confederate scout, shoots his own companion 
dead when aiming a rifl>e at Griffith. Lengthy is taken and 
brought into the Union lines. The personal devotion of the 
rough mountaineer triumphs over state rights, triumphs 
over secession, triumphs over every other motive known to 
man. 

Griffith Davenport can go no further. Heart and flesh 
fail him on the banks of his native river. Refusing to lead 
the army on, he sinks down under the curses of his com- 
manding officer, and offers his open breast to death. Pat- 
terson, the prisoner, interposes, and takes the place of his old 
friend as Union guide. Davenport returns to Washington, 
and then to his own home. The war-cloud begins to break. 
One of the sons, wounded almost to death and trampled in 
the mire of Shiloh, has been taken to the home of old Ten- 
nessee acquaintances of the Davenports. There the love- 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 83 

drama reveals itself against the background of war. Soul 
life and heart-life and hope-life begin to revive out of the 
horrors of death and sacrifice. The Davenport family 
recovers itself. There is a home-coming, with promised 
weddings and the restoration of broken ties and all things 
sweet after the storm. 

Just in the happy day of recovery Griffith Davenport, at 
a night meeting of the University Board in the town of his 
adoption, falls dead of apoplexy. His body is taken to his 
home unheralded. The shadow comes down with night. 
The grave of the unofficial patriot opens and closes; and 
there is anguish at the brink. But across the tomb of 
Davenport there is a suggestion of sweet-smelling flowers, 
and through the gloom afar we see the flash of bridal veils 
and lilies. It is in this that the book, although it preaches 
nothing, teaches nothing, offers nothing of the consolations 
and hopes which the hero of the story had himself so often 
inculcated, differs most markedly from the prevailing fiction 
of pur day. It is not a story of despair. The grief and 
anguish of it are everywhere relieved with hope. The ring- 
ing shield of courage hangs by the doorway of sorrow. This 
is a book of peace as well as a book of battle; a book of com- 
fort as well as a book of history aAd a drama of the tragic 
epoch. 

What is the fitness of this story to the conditions of our 
times? The social crisis that broke in the Civil War was 
without doubt the greatest in our history. It was greatest, 
not chiefly for the violence and destruction of the conflict, 
but for the revolutionary aspects and reforming tendencies 
of that tremendous period. The mere heroism of the age 
may be overlooked in considering the profounder work that 
was then accomplished in the United States. Then it was 
that American society suffered the exquisite pangs of trans- 
formation. In the backward look, the condition of our 
country before the war already seems far away. It is 
removed from us by a distance and an abyss. True, men 
still bear in their memories the scars and bruises of the 
battlefield; but everything is softened in the distance. 
Afore than one-fourth of our whole national career, meas- 
ured from the formation of the Republic, lies this side of 
Appomattox. During this period fully thirty millions of 
souls, more than forty per cent of the whole, have been 
added to our population. The man who came into the world 
after Appomattox is the father of seven children. The 
woman born on the prodigious day of Gettysburg may be a 
grandmother. The physical aspects of civilization have 



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84 THE ABENA. 

changed, and all the invisible currents and motions of 
society have been translated into another mood and passion. 

Long as this period is from the downfall of the Confed- 
eracy to the present day, the whole has been consumed by 
American society in the one effort of settling to a calm. The 
strife of the generation has been to become reconciled. 
Great has been the travail of this more than thirty years. 
Civil turbulence, like a storm at sea, does not readily sub- 
side. The swell of the receding tempest long fluctuates on 
the bosom of the deep. At length, after the average meas- 
ure of human life, we reach a point of actual peace. Recon- 
ciliation between the millions who were at war, and between 
their descendants who inherited the passions of the conflict, 
at last ensues. Reconciliation! The closing decade of the 
century witnesses the happy extinction of the hatred and 
animosity which marked the Civil War. Hitherto we have 
not been willing that the hatred and animosity should 
expire. The change in sentiment from aversion to regard, 
from distrust to confidence, from dislike to mutual affection, 
is at last accomplished in all sections of the Union; and this 
Epoch of Reconciliation has sought the opportunity to 
declare itself in a Book. 

"An Unofficial Patriot" is a book — we had almost said the 
book — of reconciliation. This is the keynote of it all; it 
reconciles. If it is a book of war, it is also a book of 
heavenly peace. Deep down in every stream of this story 
is the limpid water of love and reviving trust Without this 
quality the book were nothing; without this it were com- 
mon; without this anybody or the many could have done 
it A cobbler of stories might have devised the plot; but 
the soul of this book is reconciliation. It is the Geus Urva 
crying for peace between the children of the North and the 
South. The Old North and the Old South are here again 
at peace. The book unconsciously makes us one. It has 
charity for all, and justice. There is not a stroke of bitter- 
ness in it It is well-nigh the most sweet-spirited fiction 
that ever was; and the best of all is its truth. 

"An Unofficial Patriot" is a dramatic transcript from the 
life of the times that tried us all by fire. The writer is 
almost as much a historian as a novelist Her battle-piece 
of Shiloh is about the greatest picture that was ever pro- 
duced of that awful struggle in which twenty thousand 
American heroes sank under bloody wounds and ghastly 
death. True, the facts of the story are here and there mis- 
placed a little. The exigencies of the plot may sometimes 
shift the actual scenes; but the materials are all drawn with 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 85 

historical fidelity from the open field. Every character in 
the drama is real. The Davenport family was a reality; 
and its history, as delineated in this larger history, is a fact 
Griffith Davenport was indeed an unofficial patriot He 
was a Methodist preacher; an ex-slaveholder; a law-breaker 
in Virginia, and a law-evader in Indiana. Like John Brown, 
he broke with the existing order. He was one of the con- 
scientious casuists of his times — a man pushed by unseen 
hands and delivered to hardships by the forces of that cruel 
condition which existed in the United States before the 
abolition of slavery. He was sent for by Lincoln, as here 
narrated, and appointed to conduct the invading Union 
army over the home of his boyhood and across the farms of 
his old neighbors whom he had baptized in the mountain 
stream of Stony Me^d. The story in the hands of Heme is 
destined to be the noblest drama of the war. 

For a quarter of a century outgivings have been seen in 
our fictitious and dramatical literature of the reconciliation 
of our country. There have been premonitions and dawn- 
ings of the perfect day of peace — a day in which the young 
men of the North would seek and take in love the beautiful 
girls of the Sunny South; in which the hot-blooded young 
men of the South, in chivalric counter-invasion, would find 
the rosy-cheeked daughters of the men whom their fathers 
had fought to be the most charming of the earthly angels. 
But the hints of the good time coming, when political 
animosities, fanned by party, could no longer keep the 
American people estranged and hostile, have been only fore- 
gleams of promised light and peace. Thomas Nelson Page 
has shown us in his stories, "In Ole Virginia," how far a 
Southern soldier and novelist of great powers can go toward 
bringing in the day of reconciliation. He gives us a fore- 
taste of it in "Meh Lady." Several dramas, such as "Held 
by the Enemy," "Shenandoah," and "Alabama," have taught 
the people how easy it is to love after war. Maurice 
Thompson's beautiful classic on "Lincoln's Grave" is an 
imperishable wreath laid by the hands of a Confederate 
soldier on the mighty tomb of the greatest of our dead. 
Helen Gardener's book "An Unofficial Patriot" goes all the 
way to peace. The old prejudice has here wholly disap- 
peared. The grave of the Southern soldier and the grave 
of the soldier of the Union are here equally sacred. The 
animosities of the great war are here lost in the oblivious 
lullaby of love. The hatred that raged in blood and fire and 
death on a hundred battlefields here no longer rankles in 
patriotic hearts. Here is the living pieture of rallying and 



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86 THE ARENA. 

charging and flying; of broken guns and wounded soldiers 
and dead men heaped and strewn in roadway, field, and 
swamp; but no longer hatred. This is at once the test and 
key of the book; it reconciles the heart 

Literature foreran the Union war. Thought flew — as it 
always flies — in the van of the oncoming battle. The epoch 
of agitation preceded the epoch of violence; and now at last, 
with the lapse of a generation, the epoch of reconciliation 
succeeds the long-lingering period of strife. A novel fore- 
ran the insurrection of the human conscience against that 
horrid slavery which rested on one-half of our Union and 
cast its baleful shadow over the other ; a novel comes after, 
proclaiming the cessation of the conflict. A novel went 
before, sounding the tocsin ; a novel follows, as the zephyr 
follows the receding hurricane, calling the sons and 
daughters of men to peace. A novel opened the grave, and 
a novel closes it. A novel prepared the magazine that 
exploded with death and desolation for millions of our 
people; a novel goes forth to erase the scars and to quench 
the remaining sorrows of the immense catastrophe. 

In these pages the remaining wounds are healed. This 
book proclaims the final armistice over a million graves. It 
teaches a cheerful hope of better things. It calls the higher 
angels of our nature, and challenges them to song. It 
stands among the pallid stones that guard the dead of the 
great battle, and there where the sunshine pencils the 
silence marks with equal love the tombs of the victors and 
the vanquished, and plants with equal devotion the im- 
mortelles at the head and feet of both. 

Personalities have little place in criticism. The maker of 
books and the critic of them ought to be as impersonal as 
Shakspere in his dramas. We do not know that it is per- 
missible for a reviewer endeavoring to give the public an 
adequate concept of a literary work to excite for it or 
against it the faintest sentiment born of personal consid- 
erations. The present notice of Helen Gardener's "Unoffi- 
cial Patriot" might well be exceptional to the rule; for the 
writer of the review acknowledges the personal equation. 
He could not do otherwise, and be true. He knows the 
story of the unofficial patriot by heart, and has known it for 
twenty-five years. He knew the gifted author of this book 
before the dream of literary fame could have entered her 
girlish thought. The old college town where he lives is the 
principal scene of the story. This was the home of Griffith 
Davenport; and here the writer knew both him and his. 
Here several of the characters who have their part in the 



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AN EPOCH AND A BOOK. 87 

story survive with a quick memory of the things narrated. 
On the hill yonder Griffith Davenport and Kalherine are 
sleeping. When the writer descends the steps of his library, 
he crosses the green grass where Helen Gardener played 
when she was a baby girl hiding and seeking behind the lilac 
bushes that are now only a reminiscence. 

The writer owns the yard where the Davenports lived; 
and from this spot he sends his message. He has a vivid 
and affectionate memory of the* family that has become 
famous through the genius of the youngest daughter. He 
recalls Griffith Davenport just as he is depicted in "An 
Unofficial Patriot," visiting the neighborhoods round about 
on his ministerial circuits. The writer recalls also with 
something akin to tears that one day, long ago, in the bright 
warm hours of his boyhood, the big honest Virginian hands 
of Griffith Davenport were laid on his head in blessing. In 
the circle of this horizon, bounded on the north and west 
with its rim of maples, Helen H. Gardener, daughter of the 
unofficial patriot, took her rise from girlhood to womanhood, 
and from womanhood to fame. Criticism forgets its office, 
and looks with blinded eyes through the mist of memory. 



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LAWS GOVERNING THE AGE OF CONSENT IN 

CANADA-A COMPARISON WITH THOSE OF 

THE UNITED STATES. 



BT EDGAR MAURICE SMITH. 



The several powerful articles that appeared in the January 
number of The Arena regarding the age-of-consent laws in 
the United States have prompted me to pen this brief sketch, 
showing the superior protection accorded girls and women in 
the Dominion of Canada, in the hope that by so doing I may 
in some slight degree contribute to the success of the noble 
crusade now being made against vice and immorality. I do not 
mean to imply that the Canadian laws on the subject are by any 
means perfect. In fact they are inferior to those in force in 
some states of the American Union, such as Florida, Wyoming, 
and Kansas, where the age of consent is seventeen in the first 
and eighteen in the last-named two states. 

In Canada the age is not as high as upholders of morality 
would wish to see it, being but sixteen years, still I find on cal- 
culation that it is one year and a half above the average age of 
consent in the United States, which is about fourteen and a half 
years; and this in a country possessing a population twelve 
times greater than the northern Dominion, which it eclipses in 
commerce, wealth, art, literature, science, and in fact everything 
but morality. 

In the United States each state has an age-of-consent law. 
In Canada we have several laws bearing on the subject, which, 
being part of the Criminal Code, apply to the whole Dominion. 

For example, one in reference to girls between the ages of 
fourteen and sixteen reads as follows : 

Every one is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to two years* 
imprisonment who seduces or has illicit connection with any girl of 
previously chaste character of or above the age of fourteen years. 

I must acknowledge that the punishment seems trifling for so 
great a crime, but happily in the majority of cases it is suf- 
ficiently severe to cause the most lascivious to refrain from de- 
spoiling a girl of this tender age. Such men — unworthy they 

St 






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THE AGE OP CONSENT IN CANADA. 89 

are of the name — are usually of good families (so far as pedi- 
gree or wealth is concerned), which entitles them to a certain 
standing in society. That they should be unwilling to sacrifice 
their position is only natural, and they need never do so as long 
as they keep their persons undefiled by the prison cell, for this 
and only this counts against them. They may have sunk to the 
lowest depths of their loathsome practice and yet outwardly 
preserve their respectability. Men wink at the little scandals 
that somehow or other creep out ; women glory in them and 
lionize the male participants. In this age of education and en- 
lightenment the rouffs trophies are more barbarous and disgust- 
ing than the bloody scalps that were in by-gone days the pride 
and ornament of the red man. But the law which interfered 
with the inhuman practice of the ignorant aboriginal, and in so 
doing almost annihilated the wretched race, stands calmly by 
and allows the civilized savage to despoil helpless women of 
more than scalps — of more than life. It observes all this and 
does what? Practically nothing. 

As I have remarked, nothing affects a seducer's social stand- 
ing except the taint of the prison. Once let its stamp be im- 
printed on his tarnished reputation and he is ostracized from 
society. In Canada, therefore, he has to exercise care, for a 
man who despoils a girl under sixteen must suffer imprison- 
ment, there being no option cfafine as in some of the states. 

Girls under fourteen years of age are even better protected 
by a law which reads : 

Every one is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment 
for life, and to be whipped, who carnally knows any girl under the age 
of fourteen years not being his wife, whether he believes her to be of 
or above that age or not. 

It is unfortunate that this law does not apply to girls up to 
the age of sixteen, particularly the clause " and to be whipped," 
but even in its present state it is a standing menace to such 
fiends as the ravisher of Nellie Conroy, referred to in Mr. 
Flower' 8 interesting paper entitled, " Lust Fostered by Legisla- 
tion." I understand that in this most revolting case the fact 
that the victim accepted, or expressed willingness to accept, a 
present, would have been a sufficient defence to procure the dis- 
charge of the prisoner. In Canada the tender years of the child 
would overrule everything. No excuse of any nature could alter 
the sentence. 

Besides the age-of-consent laws the girls and women of Can- 
ada are protected by various others, which, judging from Mr. 
Flower's article above referred to, are unknown in many of the 
states. Take, for example, the unnatural case of Nellie Gilroy, 
where the child at the tender age of twelve was sold by the 



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90 THE ARENA. 

mother to her (the mother's) own paramour. Note also the cir- 
cumstances surrounding the abominable case mentioned by Dr. 
Percy in which, on the advice of the judge, a little girl was kid- 
napped to prevent the parents from forcing her into a life of 
shame, there being no law to prevent such a sacrifice to lust. 

In Canada parents can exercise no such terrible power over 
their children, and to accomplish any vile ends would themselves 
have to do the kidnapping and without the advice of a judge, as 
will be seen by the following law : 

Every one who, being the parent or guardian of any girl or woman, 
(a) procures such girl or woman to have carnal connection with any 
man other than the procurer, or (b) orders, is party to, permits, or 
knowingly receives the avails of the defilement, seduction, or prostitu- 
tion of such girl or woman, is guilty of an indictable offence and liable 
to fourteen years' imprisonment, if such girl or woman is under the age 
of fourteen, and if such girl or woman is of or above the age of fourteen 
years to five years' imprisonment. 

By the above law all females are protected from the machina- 
tions and intimidations of immoral parents and their accomplices. 
A noble piece of legislation, is it not? and one that might with 
profit be adopted anywhere. 

Furthermore our Criminal Code contains another equally good 
law, which reads : 

Every one is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to two years' 
imprisonment with hard labor, who (a) procures or attempts to procure 
any girl or woman under twenty-one years of age, not being a common 
prostitute or of known immoral character, to have unlawful carnal 
connection either within or without Canada with any person or persons, 
or (b) inveigles or entices any such woman or girl to a house of ill-fame 
or assignation for the purpose of illicit intercourse or prostitution, or 
knowingly conceals in such house any such woman or girl so inveigled 
or enticed, or (c) by false pretences or false representations procures 
any woman or girl not being a common prostitute or of known immoral 
character to have any unlawful carnal connection either within or with- 
out Canada. 

Mark how clause fb) compares with the sentence (a fine of 
one dollar) awarded tne brute in Chicago who enticed a young 
girl into a house of ill-repute. Though trifling for the offence, 
two years with hard labor is somewhere in the vicinity of jus- 
tice. Other portions of this law operate strongly against abet- 
tors and keepers of brothels. 

Note also the extract from " Chicago's Dark Places " which 
tells of a lad below sixteen who seduced a girl of thirteen and 
was, on account of his age, not amenable to the law. In Canada 
such an enfant diable would have met his deserts, fourteen years 
being the age at which a boy becomes responsible for committing 
rape or defiling a girl. Consequently, a lad of or above that age 



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THE AGE OF CONSENT IN CANADA. 91 

would be awarded fourteen years for the latter offence and life- 
imprisonment or perhaps death for the former. 

I could give further and more lengthy examples of protection 
afforded women by the Canadian laws, but what I have already 
written should be sufficient to show that in this all-important 
question the great republic in nearly every respect ranks far be- 
low its modest northern neighbor. And not only in the laws is 
this the case, but unfortunately in that which is of much greater 
importance — results. 



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ARE THE PEOPLE OF THE WEST FANATICS? 



BY J. K. MILLER. 



Tbe charge so frequently made in the Eastern press, that the 
people of the West, and more especially of the silver-producing 
states, are fanatics and cranks, unless justified by the«f acts, should 
not go unchallenged. If it is true in the general sense in which 
it is made, it is important that the country should know it. 
That the West has its quota of this class of people none will 
undertake to deny ; but if it contains a much larger percentage 
of such than is to be found in Eastern communities, then some 
most important conclusions must follow. 

The Chicago Record of January 19 contained the following, 
upon the subject of the migration and present distribution of the 
native-born population of the country, as shown by the last 
census : 

This enormous western movement has resulted in depleting the 
native element of the Eastern states, and in the North their ranks have 
been filled by foreign emigrants, mainly Canadians, Irish, and Germans, 
while in the Southeastern states, which have received practically no 
foreign immigration, the normal rate of increase of population has been 
greatly reduced by this emigration. In the past generation the charac- 
ter of the people of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
vania has been wellnigh revolutionized by the emigration of native blood 
and immigration of foreigners. 

It is startling, if true, that people born under the much lauded 
institutions of America, with free school, free church, free press, 
and other supposed advantages, are less capable of exercising 
intelligent judgment upon questions of public policy than are 
their adopted brethren in the Eastern states, so recently from 
the monarchies of Europe. 

In addition to the main fact so clearly set forth in the above 
extract, viz., that the migrations of the native-born population 
have been uniformly westward, it may be fairly presumed that 
these migratory movements have usually embodied the best ele- 
ment of American manhood. This presumption is well sustained 
by the fact, well known to every student of recent American 
history, that when the armies of the North and South were dis- 
banded in 1865, a large majority of the soldiers, especially from 
the North and East, were, from necessity perhaps, more than 



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ABB THE PEOPLE OP THE WEST FANATICS? 93 

choice, compelled to seek new fields of enterprise in the West. 
Surely it will not be contended that oar volunteer armies were 
not composed of the best element of American manhood. It has 
been a subject of great national pride with us that our soldiers 
have shown themselves as capable of building up in time of 
peace, as of tearing down in time of war. Those noble lads 
who were called from the farms, factories, and workshops of the 
East, and who were lucky enough to survive the perils of the 
war, when discharged, returned to their homes to find that their 
places had long before been filled by laborers from abroad, who 
had been imported for the purpose. 

The war had been a great schooling to them. By it they had 
been carried beyond the environments of boyhood and early man- 
hood, had become inured to the hardships and privations inci- 
dent to travel and camp life ; and in the best of them, latent 
energies and ambitions had been aroused, which made the con- 
ditions and possibilities of Western life such as then existed 
peculiarly attractive. And whep the immortal Lincoln added his 
authority, in his famous letter to Colfax, by advising them to go 
west, develop the mines, and pay the debt caused by the war, 
and promised to aid them in every way possible, it is not sur- 
prising that they did go; nor that, in the work of developing the 
mines, founding and upbuilding cities and states, and connecting 
them by railroads with other parts of the country which they had 
done so much to save, they carried the energies of war with 
them; nor that the results achieved by them are sufficient to 
mark an epoch in modern civilization. This is the type of man- 
hood that is dominant in the West. The volunteer-soldier ele- 
ments of both North and South here met on common ground, and 
have worked shoulder to shoulder in a common cause. 

What are the dominant and peculiar ideas entertained in the 
West which cause its representative men to be so often stigma- 
tized by the Eastern press as cranks of a dangerous type? It may 
be truthfully said that, as a rule, Western men, at least those 
who are not in politics for revenue only, favor that government 
policy which promises the greatest good to the greatest number, 
and for this reason are opposed to class legislation. That they 
believe in the automatic theory of money, and are in favor of 
the free coinage of gold and silver on equal terms, at a ratio of 
sixteen to one. That if this theory is abandoned, or its operation 
impaired, by legislation, such as the anti-silver legislation of 
recent times, rather than submit to the evils necessarily resulting 
from the operation of the automatic theory, with but one of the 
royal metals endowed with the functions of money of ultimate 
redemption, they would favor some other basis of value, such as 
land or commodities, or, as a last extremity, the fiat theory itself. 



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94 THE ABENA. 

Western people favor the automatic theory above all others, and 
believe that until popular intelligence shall have reached such a 
degree as to make democratic government more stable, until the 
people become self-governing in fact, as well as in name, it is 
the only safe theory of finance. 

Prominent among Western ideas, which seem to be regarded 
by the Eastern press as dangerous financial heresies, the follow- 
ing may be enumerated: That the government should pay its 
interest-bearing debt. That, this debt having been contracted 
when the money of ultimate redemption consisted of both gold 
and silver, to force its payment in either, at a greatly increased 
m purchasing power, is a crime, black as treason itself. That the 
national banking system, so far from being the best system of 
paper currency ever invented by man, by its operation has dem- 
onstrated itself to be the most vicious and dangerous. That it 
is a part and parcel of the most gigantic, mischievous, and wicked 
scheme ever forced upon any nation. That it had its inception 
at a time when the country was in the throes of dissolution, 
when the men of the North confronted the men of the South in 
battle array, and the life of the great republic hung trembling in 
the balance; a time when both North and South had agents 
abroad, seeking financial assistance ; and when the influence of 
foreign capitalists would have made the Confederacy a success. 
That this wicked scheme was forced upon the country, at this 
critical period of its existence, as a substitute for the be6t system 
of paper currency ever devised, in spite of the protests of such 
patriots as Lincoln, Stevens, Wilson, and hosts of others, as a 
necessary concession to conciliate the spirit of avarice and love of 
power which has ever been the most formidable obstacle in the 
way of human progress. That the debt which was created by 
the war, and evidenced by an abundant non -interest-bearing 
currency, was not only the direct means of saving the country, 
but that so long as it remained in the hands of the people, per- 
forming the ordinary functions of money, it was an actual bless- 
ing. That the conversion of this non-interest-bearing currency 
into interest-bearing bonds, in order to furnish to national banks 
a basis for their paper substitute, was in itself but a single and 
unimportant step in the great financial conspiracy which had 
been formed by the leading financiers of the world for the pur- 
pose of private gain at public expense. That the debt as repre- 
sented by a non-interest-bearing paper currency, in the hands of 
the people, was in its proper shape, and was in the hands of the 
real public creditors, viz., the people who had rendered the ser- 
vices and furnished the supplies for which the government had 
issued its notes ; and that, both debtor and creditors being satis- 
fied with this condition of affairs, the Western mind somehow 



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ABB THE PEOPLE OP THE WEST FANATICS? 95 

fails to grasp any sufficient reason for what it deems the maudlin 
sympathy of the Eastern press toward the so-called public cred- 
itors (bondholders) who have been permitted to speculate upon 
the country's necessities. That the subsequent contraction of 
the currency, with all its train of evils, was but another step in 
the same diabolical plot, and was forced upon the people against 
their expressed will and most vigorous protests. That the de- 
monetization of silver, and destruction of its use as money of 
ultimate redemption, was one of the most important acts done in 
behalf of the conspirators, and jn point of boldness and utter 
disregard of public will and of public interest generally, is in 
itself enough to brand its responsible authors not only as public 
enemies, as such terms are used in relation to our government, 
but as enemies to mankind. 

A notion is widely entertained in the West, that money holds 
about the same relation to the practical operation of the indus- 
trial, manufacturing, and commercial affairs of a nation, that 
steam does to the machinery it is designed to keep in motion ; 
in other words, that money is not merely the "blood of com- 
merce," as it has been called, but is literally the motive power 
in modern civilization, without which even the wheels of gov- 
ernment would cease to turn; and that the power to control 
such an agent, for good or evil, should not be delegated to any 
class of individuals, as is done under the national banking sys- 
tem. While the Eastern press is so worried over what it terms 
the fanaticism of the West, it may not be amiss to remind it 
that Western men are seriously alarmed at the general trend of 
recent financial events; that they are not blind to the bond- 
ridden condition of the people of European states, the only 
limit to whose bond burdens seems to be their power to pay 
interest; people who have long since abandoned hope of ever 
being able to pay the principal of their indebtedness, and are 
confronted with the prospect of being forever compelled to pay 
tribute to a bondholding aristocracy, in the form of interest. 

Western men are alarmed at what appears to them to be a 
well planned and determined effort upon the part of the leading 
bankers of the world to force the common people of America 
into the European vortex of financial slavery. They are 
alarmed at that condition of affairs, which at the end of the 
longest period of profound peace the world has ever known, 
with a long and unbroken series of bountiful harvests — a period 
during which the productive power of labor stands without a 
parallel in the history of the world — makes it necessary for 
the most favored nation to increase its interest-bearing debt 
almost as rapidly as in time of war, and makes industry and 
economy on the part of individuals no adequate safeguard 



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96 THE ABENA. 

against actual want. They are alarmed at the attitude of the 
old party-leaders in the East, who, after having vied with one 
another for many years in denying responsibility for the 
demonetization of silver, now come boldly out, mask off, and 
make common cause against righting what has been so vehe- 
mently denounced all over the country as the crime of 1873. 
They are alarmed at the tone of the Eastern press, which, with 
few notable exceptions, could not be more radical in its opposi- 
tion to the Western idea upon these questions, if owned by and 
under the absolute control of the classes in whose interest this 
fearful policy was adopted. 

Western men as a rule are profoundly impressed with the 
greatness and importance of their own country, and are therefore 
intensely loyal. They feel a keen sense of humiliation and dis- 
gust, when any respectable element of American citizenship, 
backed by a powerful section of the press, takes the ground that, 
as a nation, we are not able to assert and maintain a financial or 
any governmental policy, independent of Great Britain or of the 
world. They regard such an attitude as indicative of the rankest 
kind of Toryism, and deplore the apparent rapid growth of such 
sentiments in the Eastern press. 

To the Western mind these questions are of sufficient import 
to warrant discussion on their merits. The universal fall in 
prices, if we can judge the future by the past, means for the 
masses a period of retrogression, the disastrous results of which, 
to civilization itself, cannot be foretold. Already the signs of 
demoralization among the people at large are such as to excite 
alarm in the mind of any student of history. The rise in the 
purchasing power of gold, the corresponding fall in prices of all 
commodities, the general disturbance in all lines of industry and 
commerce, and the riotous condition of the labor elements gen- 
erally, now bordering closely on a state of anarchy, are regarded 
in the West as the logical, necessary, and inevitable results of 
that system of class legislation which involves the destruction of 
silver as a money of ultimate redemption, and the right of bankers 
as a class to issue and control the volume of paper currency. 

Truly the old question of the right to rule, as between the 
classes and the masses, is now at issue. It remains yet to be 
seen whether or not a free people, who have attained the rank of 
a first-class power, whose genius and valor, in peace and in war, 
is unquestioned, can be cajoled or betrayed into the condition 
of helpless serfs ; whether or not that which Great Britain failed 
to do with the sword can be accomplished by a judicious use of 
money upon political knaves and a venal press. Popular gov- 
ernment is indeed on trial. Partisan zeal has, to a dangerous 
extent, become stronger than loyalty to the nation at large. In 



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ABB THE PEOPLE OP THE WEST FANATICS? 97 

obedience to this spirit, the struggle for party advantage has 
been carried to the most absurd and dangerous extremes. 

It is a popular notion in the West that no question of national 
import is so great or complex that it cannot be safely submitted 
to the people, for an expression of the popular will upon it. Yet 
no fact is more apparent than that the national platforms of the 
two old parties, since the effect of the demonetization act of 1873 
became known to the country, have been so framed and construed 
as to avoid an expression of the popular will upon that most im- 
portant question. The assumption, upon the part of party leaders, 
of the right thus to substitute their will for that of the people, 
by the adroit use of language in party platforms, or otherwise, is 
usurpation and is revolutionary. The people of the West are 
not yet ready to surrender the time-honored principles that the 
popular will is the supreme law of the land ; that office-holders, 
from the chief magistrate down, are their servants and not their 
masters ; and that political parties are useful just so far as they 
are the agencies or mediums through which laws beneficial to the 
public are promulgated and executed, and no further. 

It can safely be assumed that the spirit of unrest and discon- 
tent in the West, so deeply deplored by the Eastern press, will 
never subside nor abate in the least, until the people shall have 
had a fair chance to express their will upon these questions, and 
until their will, so expressed, shall be respected by their repre- 
sentatives. 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITARISM IN THE CITY 
OP CHURCHES -A REVIEW OF THE BROOK- 
LYN STREET RAILWAY STRIKE. 



BY G. EMIL BICHTER. 



J. Monopolism's Conquest. 

Five years ago, the street cars of the city of Brooklyn 
were painted in almost as many colors and varied shades of 
those colors as the rainbow. It was the day of comparative 
individualism, for almost every different hue betokened that 
a distinct company operated that line. But the monop- 
olistic spirit that was sweeping over the country seized in 
its toils the officers of one of the largest of these companies. 
The "Brooklyn City" operated a half-dozen lines. Like the 
evil spirit of Eden, the demon of monopolism began to sug- 
gest to these officers ambitious thoughts of riches and power. 
They proceeded forthwith to put these schemes into execu- 
tion. They were already possessed of great wealth, these 
precious plotters, yet they avariciously yearned for more. 
The stock of the Brooklyn City Railroad Company, then 
capitalized at $ 3,000,000, was increased, and a gullible public 
was told wonderful stories of great things which were to be 
accomplished, until a great block of it had been subscribed 
for, the ring making very sure, however, not to let a con- 
trolling interest pass from their hands. Then one after 
another the little roads were bought up and made a part 
of the Brooklyn City system. Thus by new construction, 
acquirement of new lines, and watering the stock, its capital 
stock was increased to $12,000,000. 

Then a change in the motive power was decided upon. 
Millions were now at the disposal of the plotters, and 
scarcely had they decided upon substituting electricity 
for their horses than the thing was done. How it was 
done, citizens of Brooklyn have not yet been able to 
learn with any degree of assurance. Since this permission 
was granted by the city fathers, however, suspicions and 



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MONOPOLISM AND MIL1TAKISM. 99 

rumors have been so frequently aired that they have come 
to be considered as truth, so that the New York Recorder 
boldly declares in its editorial columns, Jan. 18, 1895: 

This gang of corporate robbers talk about their property. Seventy- 
five per cent of it has been plundered from the people. The charters 
they hold are black with corruption. They are the abhorrent prod- 
ucts of iniquitous legal and legislative conspiracies against ail that 
is honest In government. 

By the close of 1892 nearly every line under their rule 
had been equipped with electrical apparatus. This, while 
necessitating considerable outlay, materially reduced the 
running expenses of the road, from thirty to forty per cent, 
in fact Still was this rapacious horde unsatisfied. On the 
"Heights," that section of the city wherein dwells a large 
part of the city's "upper ten," ran a little half-mile cable 
road. Only eight cars were emploj r ed in the transportation 
of the money-kings whose luxurious homes are here situated, 
to the ferry which landed them at the foot of Wall Street, 
whence but a few blocks were to be travelled to the heart of 
the region of "deals" and "corners." 

The methods of the "street" began to creep into the 
schemes of these railroad men. Not satisfied with the large 
dividend which they were receiving, this ring of the stock- 
holders of the Brooklyn City Railroad Company conceived 
a brilliant idea whereby they might add to their profits. 
They secured a controlling interest in this little cable road 
on the hill, and then, as the directors of the Brooklyn 
Heights Railroad Company, they suggested to themselves 
in January, 1893, as the directors of the Brooklyn City, the 
leasing of all the property of the last-named company to the 
first for 999 years, on the stock of which they were guaran- 
teed a dividend of ten per cent. 

The Brooklyn Heights Company made about this kind of 
a proposition to the stockholders of the City Company: 
"We will take your $ 12,000,000 worth of stock, dollar for 
dollar, and guarantee you the payment of ten per cent divi- 
dend on it. But you must buy $30,000,000 worth of the 
stock of the new company at fifteen dollars a share." In 
other words, they wanted the stockholders to pay them 
$4,500,000 in cash for this new issue of stock; and of this 
amount $4,000,000 was to be placed in trust to guarantee the 
payment of the ten per cent dividend on the $12,000,000. 

The stock then was earning fifteen per cent, so, naturally, 
some of the stockholders did not want to go into the deal. 
But as the men who composed the new company held a 



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100 THE ABENA. 

majority of the stock in the old one as well, they did as they 
pleased, and not only pocketed the extra $500,000 over what 
they put into trust, but have been getting the extra five per 
cent earned by the $12,000,000. Although the $30,000,000 
issue of stock has never received a cent of dividend, it was 
manipulated up to fifty dollars a share, and then the holders 
stood from under and let it fall. This stock was quoted at 
eleven and one-half yesterday (January 23), but if 1,000 
shares were put upon the market now it would drop to five 
and probably lower. Thus the stockholders were asked to 
put up $4,500,000 to guarantee themselves the payment of a 
less dividend than they were getting on their own stock. 
The deal was thus consummated, despite the protests of 
those of the stockholders of the Brooklyn City who were not 
within the charmed circle. 

The Atlantic Avenue Company, previous to the scheming 
of Messrs. Lewis & Co. of the Brooklyn City, had controlled 
the largest number of lines in the city. It was now a 
smaller combine known as the Brooklyn Traction Company, 
on the same line as the Heights road, though operating for 
the most part in a different section of the city, and it directed 
eleven lines. The Brooklyn, Queens County & Suburban 
Company, which, though maintaining a separate corps of 
officers, was virtually the Brooklyn Heights crowd, owned 
six. In November, 1893, an effort was made to further 
enlarge the operations of the ring by the absorption of these 
two systems. The opposition in the Brooklyn Traction 
Company, however, was too strong to be overcome. Conse- 
quently it maintained its independence, and the Suburban 
line alone passed into the hands of the monopolists. 

Then began a great season of economy, to earn more than 
the five per cent which had been thus taken from the holders 
of Brooklyn City stock, to enrich these ringsters of the 
Brooklyn Heights, or Long Island Traction Company, as the 
name of the new concern became. Such was the rise of the 
street railroad monopoly; for by Jan. 1, 1895, of the fifty- 
two lines of railways in the city, the Long Island Traction 
Company controlled thirty-five. Exclusive of the eleven 
lines of th^ Atlantic Avenue or Brooklyn Traction Company, 
the remaining lines were distributed as follows: Coney 
Island & Brooklyn Company, three; the Brooklyn City and 
Newtown, two; and the Van Brunt Street and Erie Basin, 
one. The green cars of the Brooklyn Heights Company and 
the red ones of the Atlantic Avenue system were seen every- 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITARISM. X 101 

where; they had almost entirely superseded the vari-colored 
cars of the old times, for the day of monopoly had dawned. 

4 

II. The "Grinding" Process. 

"Reduce expenses! We must make more money! " That 
became the cry of the dividend-seeking monopolists. How 
was it to be accomplished? The expenses of the mechanical 
department had been reduced to the lowest possible figure 
by the introduction of the trolley electric system; nothing 
could be cut off there. Obviously, then, its human machines 
must be sacrificed, and the reduction of expenses made 
there. Poor men! They were such, even though the com- 
pany considered them as but a part of their great money- 
making machinery. Two dollars a day was the munificent 
salary paid these faithful servants. 

"The work hard? " Well, perhaps so, but they knew what 
to expect before they began, did they not? In summer the 
conductor must needs swing alongside an open car on a 
narrow five-inch plank, making change while constantly in 
danger of being swept from that meagre perch by a passing 
truck, and crushed under the wheels. It looks the easiest 
thing in the world to swing from post to post in collecting 
fares, but it means tired feet and weary, aching muscles of 
the arms. In stormy weather and in winter it means ex- 
posure, frost-bitten ears and toes, colds, pneumonia, perhaps 
death, to both motorman and conductor. To the motorman 
it means constant mental strain lest some child or old and 
feeble person should perchance run before the car and be 
ground beneath the wheels. 

Forty are the rules of the company, which are always to 
be borne in mind. The employee was under obligations, in 
return for his exorbitant salary, to be "always neat in 
appearance"; that is, never to wear a uniform which gave 
evidence of much wear. He was responsible for all dam- 
ages which might come to his car through collision or other 
accident To be a few minutes late in reporting for service 
meant the forfeiture of his car; his name would then be 
again placed at the foot of the eligible list, and perhaps six 
months would pass before his reinstatement at full salary. 

Somehow that salary must be cut down. To issue a direct 
order reducing salaries for the entire force was impracti- 
cable, for the employees were organized as a union, and the 
company had signed an agreement with them at the begin- 
ning of the year, guaranteeing to pay them two dollars per 



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102 THE ARENA. 

day. But a way around this'was devised — the introduction 
of the "tripper" system. That is, instead of a large number 
of motormen and conductors being regularly employed to 
manipulate the cars of the company, the number of regulars 
at the union rate of wages was decreased, and a number of 
the men who were on the eligible list waiting for positions 
were called upon to run "tripper" cars. These were extra 
cars, run at rush hours or other times when an extraordinary 
amount of traffic seemed to warrant the placing in commis- 
sion of additional cars. These men were paid by the trip, 
twenty cents being the rate per trip on most of the lines. A 
"tripper" seldom made more than three or four trips a day, 
but was required to be in attendance fourteen or eighteen 
hours a day, that he might be ready to seize this golden 
opportunity to earn sixty or eighty cents. 

"More profit!" Still the cry was raised. In conse- 
quence, a revision of the time-tables was effected, and the 
men so required to make more trips, and to make them in 
shorter time. Then dawned the day of reckless disregard 
of law. The state had enacted that no car should be run at 
a greater rate of speed than ten miles an hour. Yet, the 
motormen declare, these time-tables were so arranged as 
to make impossible the covering of a trip without running 
faster than the legal rate. Sometimes, when the cars were 
late, a speed of fifteen to twenty miles an hour, even, was 
maintained to "make up for lost time" in taking on and 
depositing passengers. Now the trolley-cars began to take 
upon them the characteristics of Juggernauts, and reck- 
lessly ploughed down unfortunate children, until a record 
of sixty-two killed and many more injured had been made in 
eighteen months. 

A cry came from the suffering public that safety fenders 
should be employed in order to decrease, at least, this awful 
slaughter. A wail of "poverty" arose from the scheming 
railroaders, and hazardous speed and high-water-mark 
mortality were sustained, despite the appeals and orders 
of the city authorities. "We are constantly making experi- 
ments," was their answer, notwithstanding the fact that 
other cities had found fenders of great value, and had 
adopted them. 

A second disregard of the state law also grew out of the 
consuming desire of the road magnates for profits. The 
men were worked overtime. Trippers, as has been shown, 
were compelled to remain at the stables awaiting orders 
eighteen hours a day, would they obtain a car. Finally, 



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MONOPOLISM AND MTLITAKISM. 103 

too, the hours of the regulars were lengthened, on the plea 
that the law only declared that it was illegal for a man to be 
required to work over ten hours. If he had two runs of five 
hours each, with two or three hours intervening, this squeez- 
ing thirteen or fourteen hours out of him was perfectly 
legal, according to the company's notions. Nor would they 
include in this ten hours of service which they demanded of 
employees, any time spent for meals. 

The Brooklyn Heights road having set the pace, the other 
companies followed, and a like condition of affairs soon 
existed on their lines. And these companies who had so 
utterly disregarded the law of the great commonwealth of 
the Empire State, who ruthlessly sacrificed life and ground 
their employees down to starvation wages while reaping 
great dividends for themselves — these are the very same 
companies who, as will be later shown, demanded with 
assurance beyond explanation, of the very legal authorities 
whom they had defied, the calling out of 7,000 troops to 
"protect their property," forsooth! 

It was but to be expected that the men would chafe under 
these additional burdens, and seek to have their affairs 
bettered as soon as possible. The time when such an oppor- 
tunity Would present itself was drawing near. The agree- 
ments which were made annually with the companies were 
to be renewed at the beginning of the year. In December, 
consequently, the executive committee of District Assembly 
No. 75, Knights of Labor, representing the motormen and 
conductors, called upon the officials of the road with copies 
of the agreement which they desired to have signed and 
enforced in 1895. The following were the conditions of that 
agreement, the men desiring to secure particularly the first- 
mentioned three, though they declared themselves willing 
to compromise on any two of the three. 

First, a strict agreement on the part of the companies 
with the spirit as well as the letter of the ten-hour law. 

Second, such a regulation of the "tripper" system that 
there should be run not more than one-half as many 
"tripper" cars as regulars. 

Third, an increase in wages of twenty-five cents per day, 
making the salaries of the men $2.25. 

Fourth, cars not to be run at more than the legal rate of 
speed. 

Fifth, motormen not to be held responsible for damages 
to a car, except in cases of culpable negligence or misman- 
agement 



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104 THE AKENA. 

Sixth, a reference of all difficulties which might arise 
between companies and men to arbitration, if they could not 
be settled by conference. 

The companies refused to recede from the illegal and 
inhuman stand which they had taken in the previous year, 
and would not make any agreement which should better 
the condition of the men. President Lewis of the Long 
Island Traction Company refused to concede any one of the 
first three requests. President Norton of the Brooklyn 
Traction declared that he would not treat with the executive 
committee in regard to the matter at all, but do as he 
pleased about it President Partridge of the Brooklyn 
City and Newtown was disposed to concede something to 
the men. He would agree that regulars should not work 
over the legal hours, and that the work of "trippers" should 
be done within twelve hours if possible, in fourteen hours 
at the outside. He was willing to concede the second 
request, and to compromise on the third at $2.12£ cents per 
day. 

The last day of the old year came, and still no agreement 
had been reached. The men continued to work under the 
distasteful arrangement perfected by the companies until 
January 9, when a meeting of the district assembly was 
held. The secretary then read a letter from President 
Daniel F. Lewis, of the Long Island Traction Company, who 
was the engineer of the grand stock-watering scheme, in 
which he refused utterly to consider the demands of the 
men. Many of them then declared that to dally any longer, 
after the companies had thus goaded them on, was unworthy 
of their manhood. A postponement was, however, effected 
by the conservatives, in order to manifest to the public the 
fact that the men were willing to do everything in reason to 
secure their rights and equitable compensation for their 
labor. 

At this juncture, in startling contrast to the forbearance 
of the men, the company further aggravated the situation 
and aroused the employees by discharging the vice-president 
of the assembly, August Grange, who was a motorman on 
the Fulton Street line, and Henry Finnegan, another motor- 
man on the same line, on the pretext that they had run their 
cars too fast. This, in the face of the fact that the time- 
tables of the road were so arranged as to render it impos- 
sible to cover the route without exceeding the legal rate, and 
that the employees knew that the company had not at any 
time made any effort to comply with the provisions of the 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITAKISM. 105 

law, thoroughly aroused the men, and the radicals were for 
declaring an immediate ti$-up. Temperance, however, 
again prevailed, and it was decided to refer the matter to 
the local unions for decision. One after another the unions 
met, and they showed, by declaring for a strike, that the 
sentiment of the men was overwhelmingly in favor of battle. 
The executive committee, however, hesitated long, even after 
the returns from all the unions had come in, before ordering 
the men out, hoping that some compromise might be effected 
with the companies, who with bulldog persistency not only 
stood their ground, but went even further, increasing the 
number of "tripper" cars daily. 

One of the motormen fairly but pitifully stated the situa- 
tion on January 11, when he said: 

If we don't settle the matter right here and now, we need never 
hope for anything like justice in the future. They wiU go on cutting 
us down and down, until, without any exaggeration, it wlU be a hard 
matter for us to earn a bare Uving. God knows we earn what we 
get I only wish a few of the city officials could take our places for 
a day or two, without being known. Then the people would realize 
that we are not a gang of conspirators, but human beings, striving 
to make a living by hard and honest work— work that wears away a 
man's life. Do you think that it is from choice that we take to hand- 
ling the bell-cord and brake? No; it is because we want to live— we 
want our wives and little ones to go about comfortably fed and 
clothed. We strike, not for ourselves, but for the thousands who 
depend upon us for a living. 

The crisis came on January 13. Anticipating the tie-up, 
the Heights Company had asked its electrical workers if 
they were willing to take the motormen's places and run the 
cars, in case the strike should be declared. Upon the 
refusal of the men thus to compromise the possibility of 
their fellow-workers' winning the battle, they were sum- 
marily discharged. These men numbered, on all the lines, 
nearly 1,000. Then, at last, the patience of the men became 
exhausted, and the strike was declared, the companies 
having deliberately forced the issue. 

HI. The Struggle for Existence. 
Monday morning, January 14, dawned, and the sun looked 
down upon a novel sight. Of the hundreds of cars which 
were usually running, only those of one of the smallest lines, 
the Brooklyn & Coney Island, were being operated. The 
elevated railroad cars were crowded to their utmost capac- 
ity with laboring men and women bound for their places of 
work, while the streets leading to the ferries were crowded 
with pedestrians. Residents of the outlying districts of the 



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106 THE ARENA. 

city, not reached by the elevated roads, were in a quandary. 
Other than the trolley lines, no means of transportation 
were available. Yet, inconvenienced as th£ multitude 
was, universal cheerfulness prevailed, and few were the 
grumblers; the sentiment of the public was with the men, 
for they knew that the battle was a just one, a struggle for 
existence. 

The officers of the Coney Island road had, at the eleventh 
hour, made arrangements satisfactory to the men, and thus 
avoided the tie-up with which the others were confronted. 
They had conceded to the men clauses one and two of the 
proposed agreement 

It is not my purpose, in this paper, to furnish a history of 
the strike, more than to outline such salient features as may 
serve to demonstrate the forbearance and kindness of the 
men, as opposed to the brutality and arrogance of the offi- 
cials of the companies. This forbearance was first mani- 
fested, after the strike had been definitely decided upon, by 
the manner in which the strike was effected. Some had 
desired that the orders to the men should stipulate that at a 
certain hour every man was to desert his car, wherever it 
might find him. This step would have seriously embar- 
rassed the companies, as they would have had to send out 
men from the depots to hunt up the cars and return them to 
the stables, while the cars themselves would have been at 
the mercy of all the lawless elements of the city. The lead- 
ers, however, frowned upon such a course as unmanly, and 
instructed the employees to return their cars to the depots, 
but to refuse to take out any after the trip that should first 
end after 3 A. M. 

The executive committee had decided at the outset that 
violence should be discountenanced; and all during the 
progress of the strike orders were issued again and again, 
w r arning members of the Union to refrain from unlawful 
methods. And the whole city was astonished at the obedi- 
ence manifested by the men. Here they were, 6,000 in 
number, men whose hours of labor were so long as to make 
it wellnigh impossible to devote much time to religious 
matters or receiving ethical instruction, yet their actions 
were characterized by temperance and moderation. Only a 
subsidized press ascribed more than a fraction of the riotous 
deeds of even the later days of the conflict to the men them- 
selves. Smitten with a sense of deep wrong, they yet strove 
hard and generally succeeded in stifling the revengeful feel- 
ings which would rise at the thought of the injustice which 
had been done them. Confidence was placed in the fact that 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITAKISM. 107 

theirs was a righteous cause and that they had the sympathy 
of all honest men in the community. - 

Their plan of campaign was to cripple the company's 
service by refusing to work for them at starvation wages, 
and by argument endeavoring to prevent others from taking 
their places. Experienced men, they knew, could not be 
obtained at the companies' terms, and they had no fear of 
those who were inexperienced, for they confidently believed 
that the public would not dare to risk their lives in the care 
of men who did not understand a business so fraught with 
danger as the handling of a motor on an electric car. 

Following is the description of their methods given by 
one of the papers of the city, whose tendencies during the 
strike were decidedly toward the monopolists, and cannot, 
therefore, be charged with too generous feelings toward the 
men. The incident of which it treats occurred after a few 
cars had been run, but the same methods had been employed 
previously, the "scabs" being intercepted at the stations of 
the elevated roads and elsewhere on their route to the 
offices of the companies. The car had been stopped by bits 
of broken glass which had been laid upon the tracks, insulat- 
ing the current 

A mob of strikers and their sympathizers surrounded the cars. 
The four policemen saw the force that menaced them and discreetly 
interposed no opposition. A stout striker who seemed to be one of 
the leaders approached the cars and harangued the new men, "Come 
out of there, boys," he said. "You don't mean to harm us, do you? 
Be men, lads. Don't you see you are taking away our bread and 
butter? The companies will have no use for you after this is over. 
They'U only grind you down as they have us. Why don't you leave? 
We'll take care of you. We'll send you home and give you money. 
If you don't believe us I can't help It, but I'm honest when I tell 
you that you'll do better to leave the company. Come on, boys. You 
see we're In earnest. We will pay all your expenses. All we ask Is 
that you leave that car and be men. We won't harm you, we'll 
protect you. We're not loafers; we're men who are trying to make 
an honest living for our wives and children. Come on. Get away 
from that car and we'll protect you. We'll do more than that, lads," 
said the eloquent fat man, who is one of the oldest motormen in East 
New York. "We'll find you places if we can and give you a good 
time. I've worked for this railroad company for over twenty years. 
What has it done for me? Tried to starve me. The policemen get 
honor stripes for long service. What do we get? Nothing but star- 
vation wages and no sleep. Now, boys in there, I want you all to 
leave that car. I want you to get out and leave the company. Don't 
be slaves. I have an offer to make to the first man who leaves. We 
will guarantee to get him a permanent Job at twelve dollars a week, 
eight hours' work a day. Now how is that, lads? Who takes our 
offer?" — Brooklyn Eagle, Jan. 20, 1895. 



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108 THB ABENA. 

In cases such as these, when appeals would not suffice, 
more determined methods were followed. A half-dozen of 
the strikers would seize the "scab" and carry him bodily to 
their headquarters, and endeavor by further argument to 
persuade him to forsake the companies. If after an hour or 
so, no impression seemed to be made, he was permitted to 
depart in peace. In no case was violence or threat of 
personal injury used to influence men. 

Thus it took some days for the companies to procure men 
sufficient to man even a few of their cars. During the first 
two days they were manipulated almost exclusively by offi- 
cials of the road, or its office hands. When the men saw 
that the companies were not to be balked in their obstinate 
endeavors to run the cars in spite of the strike, they decided 
upon more heroic measures, yet such as would not injure the 
property of the roads. This movement was to crowd about 
and in front of the cars in such throngs that they could not 
be moved. But the mounted police charged them, and they 
were compelled to retreat Then other barricades were 
placed upon the track, on which the clubs of the police 
officers could make no impression. Lumber, ashes, every 
possible sort of obstruction was used for this purpose, not, 
however, with vengeful feelings to wantonly destroy the 
road's property. Had that been their object, they could 
have much more easily attained their end. Overhead were 
miles upon miles of wire, on which the operation of the 
roads absolutely depended. Yet these were not molested, 
but, on the contrary, the linemen of the road, who were 
anxious to go out with their fellow-laborers, were requested 
to remain at their posts, so that in the event of anyone 
tampering with these wires they might be repaired; the 
Union thus giving testimony to its disapproval of such 
unlawful methods of warfare. 

But one thing the Union could not long prevent when it 
began to be demonstrated that, despite these hindrances, 
cars would be operated. That was the action of thoughtless 
sympathizers and of the hoodlums who abounded in that sec- 
tion of the city, who, becoming chagrined at their failure, 
began to stone the cars, breaking windows and possibly 
injuring officers and "scabs." Master Workman Connelly 
was present at this fracas and, with his lieutenants, en- 
deavored to preserve the peace. Following is his st&teinent 
of the way in which his offices were received: 

"While I was there, Capt Driscoll of the Hamilton Avenue 
police station rushed up and grabbed me by the shoulder. 
'You get out of here/ he shouted, shaking his clenched fist 



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MONOPOLISM AND MIUTABISM. 109 

in my face. 1 am merely trying to preserve order,' I replied. 
1 don't care,' he said. *I was sent here to run these trolley 
cars, and I'll run them over your dead body.' 'Not if I can 
run away fast enough/ I replied laughingly, as I retired." 

The police records give abundant testimony to the fact 
that the strikers were not participants in any of the scenes 
which savored of riot. A young woman was arrested for 
leading the first of these onslaughts, and toughs were the 
principals later on. Indeed, so careful were the strikers 
that they would not even barricade the track before a so- 
called "mail car," until sure that it did not really carry any 
of the government mail. 

After the company finally began, with the aid of imported 
motormen, to run a few cars, many of the motormen and 
conductors were induced by the strikers or by the out- 
rageous treatment of the companies, to desert their cars. 
Time after time, when this was done, did the strikers them- 
selves generously mount the platforms of the cars, protect- 
ing them from the assaults of the mobs, and conduct them 
safely back to the depots. Thus the first few days of the 
conflict passed, with no greater damage — despite the fact 
that the companies used every means to excite the populace 
to more violent deeds — than a few broken windows, bent 
dash-boards, or sore heads, for which the men concerned in 
the strike were by no means responsible. Let the com- 
panies' conduct now be contrasted with that of the men. 

First, after their arrogant rejection of the appeals of the 
men and the lock-out of the electrical workers, was the 
"mail-car" fraud or "bluff." The Atlantic Avenue Company 
had for some time held a contract with the government to 
carry the mails to Coney Island aud other outlying districts 
of the city, lately annexed. For this purpose two cars had 
been especially built, with a compartment fitted up for the 
postal department, while the rest carried passengers. 
These cars were painted a color different from the regular 
cars, and might be easily recognized. Nevertheless, all the 
other cars as well bore the sign, "U. S. Mail." The Heights 
Company had just before the close of the year made a 
similar contract for the towns to which its roads ran, but 
had no special cars for the purpose. While strong doubts 
existed as to the legality of the companies licensed to carry 
passengers only, thus undertaking the transportation of 
freight, the strikers decided, nevertheless, not to interfere 
with the running of the mail-cars. Hearing of this deci- 
sion, the Heights Company hastened likewise to label its 
cars "TJ. 8. Mail," thinking thus to insure the protection of 



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110 THE ABEKA. 

the national government, and secure them from possible 
molestation. But the attempt was futile, for a vigorous 
protest arose from the people; and the strikers, though per- 
mitting the genuine mail cars to pass, refused to respect 
the signs which the companies were having painted by the 
dozen. On the Heights road, where all the cars were alike, 
they would ask the motorman if he carried mail, and if satis- 
fied that he did, suffered the car to proceed without even 
asking the motorman to desert the company's service. 
Finally, a decision having been rendered by the United 
States assistant district attorney, that only those cars were 
entitled to government protection which carried bona-fide 
mail, the company abandoned this subterfuge. 

The state board of arbitration came to volunteer its 
offices, but Pullman-like, the companies had "nothing to 
arbitrate." The strikers volunteered even to refer the diffi- 
culty to an arbitrator who was himself one of the directors 
of the Atlantic Avenue road, Mr. William Richardson, but 
the proposition was likewise rejected. 

" After a few days, the companies began to procure motor- 
men from other cities. Newark, Philadelphia, Boston, were 
scoured, and men offered wonderful wages, in some cases 
ten dollars a day for the first week, to run cars for them. 
This bait, even, proving unsuccessful in securing the fish, 
the Homestead plan was used, and Pinkerton agents secured 
men to work on a "new road," and shipped them in batches 
to Brooklyn. Yet so outrageously were they treated by the 
companies that as soon as they were placed upon the plat- 
forms of cars and got away from the depots, they deserted 
and entered the ranks of the strikers. In the stables, said 
these refugees, they were virtually kept prisoners, com- 
pelled to sleep in filthy quarters, in some cases even in stalls, 
and given little or no food. So many were these men, and so 
anxious to get out, that some of those who escaped were 
considering the advisability of entering upon habeas-corpus 
proceedings to secure their liberty, just before the strike 
was declared off. Of one batch of thirty-eight sent from 
Philadelphia, twenty-nine left at the first opportunity. One 
man even fainted from exhaustion in the stables. 

But the crowning atrocity of monopoly was the summon- 
ing of its hosts from "plutocracy's bastiles." Five days h,id 
gone by, with no more riotous scenes than have been 
described, when President Norton declared that the only 
reason he did not immediately open up all his lines was that 
he was not afforded adequate protection for his property, 
and called upon the mayor for military protection. Though 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITARISM. Ill 

the police force of 1,700 men was almost wholly divided 
between the two places where most of the trouble had 
occurred, and the police commissioner had declared that 
very afternoon that he was fully able to cope with the situa- 
tion, upon the evening of January 18 the mayor called out 
the Second Brigade of the National Guard, numbering 
3,000 men. This was the turning-point of the war, and 
plutocracy, by the aid of its obedient minions, won the 
battle. 

IV. The Reign of Militarism. 

A wave of indignation rolled over the hitherto quiet city. 
The greater part of the militia-men were sympathizers with 
the men, and hesitated as they thought that they were now 
summoned to shoot, bayonet, and assist in starving their 
neighbors who were battling for the right to live. The 
people were indignant at what they thought the unwar- 
ranted interference on the part of the government with 
corporate affairs. They knew not, poor fools, that it was 
for this purpose that the citizen-soldiery was maintained, 
that this was what monopolists had anticipated when they 
contributed so liberally to armory funds and patronized so 
generously, but three months before, the great regimental 
fairs. Yes, the wave , of indignation even touched the 
church, the conservative church, and caused a few of its 
preachers to rub their eyes and wonder "where we are at" ; 
while far too many jogged along their orthodox way and 
never troubled themselves to give a single word or more 
than a passing thought to the misery of their fellows, unless 
to loudly talk of the necessity of upholding "law and order," 
the new name for the lawless trolley corporations. 

But the tide reached its height among the poor fellows 
who saw their opportunity for success dwindling away. In 
vain did Connelly, Best, Giblin, and the other leaders 
counsel moderation and plead with the men to respect the 
rights of property. Their despair could not be restrained. 
Wires were cut, cars attacked, men assaulted. Then did 
the plutocrats rejoice mightily. This was what they had 
anticipated, what they desired. Now they could speak with 
a semblance of truth of "mobs" and "riots." Now .they 
could declare that their men, enough to open all their lines 
immediately, they said, were afraid to venture out on cars 
lest they should be killed. 

The Sabbath came — such a Sabbath as the City of 
•Churches had never before beheld. Its streets had been 



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112 THE AKENA. 

turned into an armed camp. Bayonets glistened every- 
where in the sun. And all this without even the riot act 
having been read ! People crossed the ferries from New 
York City and Jersey and flocked to see the novel sight 
These were good-natured crowds, all of them. They had 
come moved only by curiosity; nothing, probably, was 
further from their thoughts than any suggestion of violence. 
Yet they kept ever a considerable distance from the picket- 
line of the militia, and their hearts were sad, for the morning 
papers had told the tale of a cruel bayonet charge by the 
soldiers on the previous evening. 

Yet monopolistic newspapers told of "mobs" of thousands 
who were gathered at every depot; and between the press 
and the railway kings Mayor Schieren was led to call upon 
the governor for additional troops. So in the City of 
Churches, in a Christian land, on the day uppn which the 
Prince of Peace is revered, the First Brigade, N. G. S. N. Y., 
was also ordered to the assistance of monopoly. Monday 
morning they entered the city, 4,000 strong, each man 
equipped with twenty rounds of ammunition; and a battery 
supplied with twenty rounds as well. Among them 
marched plutocracy's pride, the New York Seventh, pos- 
sessor of a million-dollar armory which never cost the state 
a cent. Now were the railway magnates content. The 
Brooklyn regiments were dispatched to other places to 
guard depots where, as yet, no trouble had been manifested, 
while the sons of the millionaires and bankers of the 
metropolis, the Seventh, were assigned to the storm-centre. 
The men of the Forty-Seventh, whom they relieved, were 
glad to get away from the place where perhaps they might 
have to shoot upon their friends and neighbors. 

Sad to the heart of every patriot was the week that 
followed. What cared these hosts for American institu- 
tions or human life? Was not a pane of glass in a monop- 
olist's street-car infinitely more valuable? Shoot them 
down, these bold spirits that dare to fight for bread! 
Powder and bullets are cheaper than meals and homes for 
despairing men ! The country is too populous ! Sweep 
them off, these insignificant creatures ! Such, doubtless, 
were the thoughts of these millionaire militia-men, inter- 
preted by their actions on succeeding days. 

Brutal and uncalled-for enough had been the bayonet 
charge upon Saturday night. "The crowd had called us 
'tin soldiers' and asked us if our 'guns were real,' and other- 
wise insulted us," said a private of the Forty-seventh. 
"Colonel Eddy stood it as long as he could, and then ordered 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITARISM. 11$ 

us to charge." Shades of liberty! Are innocent men to be 
slain because a militia-officer, guarding private property, 
has so little self-control that he orders his men to charge 
with fixed bayonets upon a curious crowd, because one or 
two of them taunt his men? Even so. The throng dis- 
persed, but left one man, innocent of any wrong-doing, of 
course, who had stopped on his way home from work to see 
the soldiers, pierced through the leg by a bayonet thrust. 

This was but the beginning. Monday the street-car kings 
decided to open a new line. The door of the depot was 
opened and a car shot out It stopped. A company of the 
Seventh Regiment marched out, formed a square about the 
car, and like the imperial car of the Czar of all the Russias 
on the road to St. Petersburg, it began its trip. Hisses 
greeted it; the militia officers looked sullen. The experi- 
ence was a new one. They were accustomed to the applause 
of stylish women, not to the hisses of a multitude. The 
throng grew more indignant Stones began to fly. Then 
other missiles followed. "Halt! " rang the command. 
"Ready! Fire!" The rifles cracked. The people scat- 
tered. "Over their heads? " Yes, truly, yet by that volley 
was wounded the heart of every laboring man, and it 
sounded the knell of all his hopes. 

Why longer carry on the fight? Empty stomachs are no 
match for gold-lined pockets. Starving men's votes are not 
to be compared with monopolists' dollars. A patriot cannot 
resist the uniform of the land he loves. He cannot stone the 
flag under which he lives. His cry for bread is but answered 
with a bullet. Thus the strike began to wane; a strike that 
at its inception seemed more likely to succeed than any that 
had preceded it, a strike that had been thoughtfully con- 
ceived, well executed, and marked with exceeding mod- 
eration. 

Tuesday night the guns again belched forth. This time 
'there was not even the semblance of an excuse for the action 
— no crowd, no riot. But at 11 o'clock at night, a few men 
inadvertently crossed the picket line. A dozen guns were 
fired, and again the sufferers were the innocent ones. One 
man, coming out of a corner saloon, was shot in the jaw and 
died the next morning. Next day a second man fell a victim 
to the corporation's greed. A tinsmith, working on a roof, 
heard a hubbub in the street below. He peered over the 
cornice to see the trouble. A rifle cracked, and he was 
dead, because he did not obey an order of which he had not 
heard, that all citizens along that street were to remain 
indoors while it pleased monopoly to run a car. 



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114 THE ARENA. 

These two were all the fatalities recorded as a result of 
the rule of militarism. All? Yea, but were they not 
enough ? Two men's lives a forfeit to corporate greed, a 
token of the power to which industrial slavery has attained; 
two martyrs to the cause of labor and of justice. 

V. The Lesson of the Whole. 

'Tis but Chicago's lesson, reiterated as if to impress upon 
us the necessity of learning it well. This is its principal 
teaching: that labor stands fearfully alone, helpless and 
almost friendless; and that, at least so long as this is true, 
the strike as a means of securing justice is utterly futile. 

Amidst these scenes which have been described, where 
were the champions of justice and liberty? Where were 
those wily politicians that had spoken so glibly in ante- 
election days of the "good times" that were to come, that 
had roared in deep, sonorous tones of "liberty," "the Ameri- 
can eagle," and "the star-spangled banner"? These things 
happened in the model "reformed" city that had been 
"delivered"' from the power of the ring and was now ruled 
by the "people." Where were these officials that had so 
humbly begged for labor's vote? Oh, they were hard at 
work studying and hunting up reasons why they did not 
revoke the companies' charters, swearing in special police, 
and issuing orders for militia until the soldiers outnumbered 
the strikers nearly two to one. 

The executive officer remembered the invoices of tons of 
leather which his house sold the companies yearly. "The 
sympathies of this office are with the men," said the mayor, 
yet his every action during the progress of the strike belied 
his words. All the municipal departments were more or 
less within the clutches of the moneyed power. The judicial 
officers were refusing to issue writs of mandamus against 
the companies. Only the legislative branch deigned to pay 
any heed to the needs of the men. The board of aldermen 
did pass resolutions requiring the licensing of motormen, 
designed to relieve their burdens somewhat, and aid them 
in winning the battle for justice, but the mayor declared the 
resolutions out of order, claiming that such legislation 
should be left to the state legislature. 

But the press, the leader of American thought, the 
reflector of public sentiment — surely when the people were 
so unanimously despising the railroad combine, the press 
was loyal to the interests of justice? No, not so. The New 
York Sun sought in an earnest editorial to champion the law 



* 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITARISM. 115 

of supply and demand as being the only law by which wages 
can be regulated, and endeavored to show that human labor 
is worth neither more nor less than any other form of 
marketable goods, that is, the price it will bring in the 
market in competition with other goods of the same kind. 
Then the editor says: 

When once we repudiate the hard but impartial justice of the 
market price of things, then all men become robbers, and one man 
just as much as the other man. 

"The market price of things"! This is the newest name 
<>f monopoly's organs for the horny-handed toiler. Time 
was when employers spoke of the number of "men" in their 
employ. Then a new expression found currency, and em- 
ployees were denominated "hands." Again a change was 
wrought, when, instead of being known and called by name, 
the laborer bore a number, and his pay-envelope was 
addressed to "number — ." From this the transition was 
easy, though its harshness does surprise us, to calling the 
laboring men "things," and designating their wage as "the 
market price of things." 

The Brooklyn Eagle, too, posed as the champion of the 
much-abused trolley millionaires. When legal steps were 
taken to revoke the charters of the companies for not operat- 
ing their cars for three days, as the law provides, its editor 
declared that the evidence was "wickedly weak," even 
though on the half-dozen car-lines which passed his office 
not more than a half-dozen cars were run in a week. 

Of all the great metropolitan papers, those which dared 
«ven to apologize for suffering labor might have been 
counted upon the fingers of one's hands. Two only deserve 
mention and commendation for their boldness, the • New 
York Recorder and the Daily Mercury. The former de- 
serves particular praise in that, even though it was of the 
same political persuasion as the party in power in Brooklyn, 
it laid aside its partisanship and championed the cause of 
justice, and continuously arraigned the very officers it had 
helped to elect. 

Politicians and press, we have shown, were not to be 
-depended upon by labor in her time of trial, but we think 
that the pulpit, at least, was surely to be found at this time 
upholding the cause of the oppressed. The followers of the 
"Son of Man, who had not where to lay His head," were 
doubtless, as He himself was, loud in denunciation of those 
who "grind the poor," and ready with Him to boldly declare 
that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." Sadly, regretfully, 



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116 THE AftEXA. 

most we acknowledge that many of them were so earnestly 
engaged in preparing men for the "better home," that they 
could not ^pend a little time in bettering their present 
homes. And among the followers of the Prince of Peace 
was one, at least, who dared to bow to plutocracy's power,, 
and say: 

The question now Is the immediate restoration of order, even if 
the entire army of the United States must* march to our relief. 
Brooklyn is humiliated. Its authorities are defied. It has been said 
again and again that the people sympathize with the strikers. That 
may be, but this is not the time to be weak-kneed. It is a time for 
firmness and determination. I want to back up the authorities. 
There Is no time to waste upon side issues. There is but one issue. 
Every street in this city must be made so safe that not one policeman 
shall be needed in any car that runs. I wish the riot act had been 
read last Monday; but we are where we are, and I believe that our 
city authorities have acted according to their best judgment The- 
time has come, however, when our representatives In the city hall 
should know that the people are prepared for vigorous action. If 
clubs will not do, then bayonets; if bayonets wiU not do, then lead; 
if lead will not do, then Gatling guns. If we must have martial law 
and a state of siege, then let us have them; and if the worst comes: 
to the worst, we will turn our churches into hospitals. 

Thus is expounded by one man the gospel of "Peace on 
earth, good-will to men." For shame! For shame! Yet,, 
thank God, the hearts of some men who wore the cloth did 
beat in accord with the Man of Nazareth, and such senti- 
ments as follow were voiced from the city pulpits: 

I want very clearly to say that my sympathies are most distinctly 
with the strikers, and I do not think that they have been justly 
treated; and I believe if Jesus Christ were here on earth that His 
sympathetic presence and loving counsel would be with the 5,000 or 
more men and the perhaps 20,000 women and children whom they 
represent I also believe that if the public officials whose duty it is 
to enforce the law, and who are now calling out the militia in order 
to do so, had been as careful to make the street-car companies obey 
the law, it is quite probable that the strike would not have occurred^ 

"Give us this day our dally bread," were the words of Jesus, not 
give me this day my daily bread. I would that some of our corpora- 
tions prayed that prayer and remembered the meaning of it, which 
includes the feeding of the children of one's employees as well as 
the feeding of one's self. All the social problems of the age could 
be settled in twenty-four hours if that prayer were prayed in the 
spirit of Jesus. 

If Christians were Christians, as some profess, things would be as 
they should be in this city, and there would be no need of strikes. 

One priest of the Roman Catholic church, recognizing that 
the source of the trouble lay not in the strike itself, but in 



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MONOPOLISM AND MILITAKISM. 117 

the presence of plutocracy's anped hirelings, did not confine 
his gospel to words, but pledged himself to the mayor to 
induce the men to refrain from deeds of violence so long as 
none of the militia were sent to that section of the city, 
which in certain localities was noted for the lawlessness of 
the inhabitants. Hard as was his self-imposed task, he 
kept his promise. Day after day, he rushed from one depot 
to the other, pleading, praying, and in the end prevailing; 
so that at the close of the difficulty the mayor acknowledged, 
•over his own signature, the value of the assistance the priest 
had rendered. 

Many are the messages which Brooklyn's street-car strike 
brings to every man who is seeking to hear them. Labor, 
it says, must intrench itself by more perfect organization 
•and united effort, so that, entering politics, its influence 
may be felt and its demands heeded. Among those demands 
should be one for an immediate curtailing of the power of 
monopolies and all moneyed powers; for a divorcement of 
the union of plutocracy and militarism, if it be at all neces- 
rsary to maintain our present military system, known as the 
National Guard, in these days of comparative peace among 
civilized nations and of the dawning of the day of arbitra- 
tion. Another demand should be for the national, state, 
and municipal control, for the public good, of all railways, 
telegraphs, telephones, means for lighting, and all other 
<concerns at present conducted by private corporations under 
franchises granted by the people's representatives. 

To the church it brings this call : Would you solve that 
vexing problem of "How to reach the masses," awake to 
jour responsibility. You should preach an applied Chris- 
tianity, a more practical propaganda — the socialism of 
jour Founder, His ideas of a universal brotherhood and 
world-wide charity. 

The press must arouse to its opportunity of championing 
the cause of industrial freedom, one of the mightiest ques- 
tions with which the men of to-morrow will have to deal. 

Every real patriot and true man should make it the aim 
of his life to be truly helpful to the world at large by striv- 
ing, for the sake of his fellow-man, to secure the ends above 
suggested, to labor to usher in the "new time." 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 



BY PBOF. FRANK PARSONS, 



Part I. Electric Light. 



Said A to B, "Our neighbor C is getting his light for half 
what it costs you and me." 

Said B to A, "Is that so? Well, I shall go right over to 
C's and find out how he does it, and do the same thing, 
myself." 

This is the heart of the philosophy that, during the past 
ten years, has led two hundred towns and cities in America 
to undertake their own electric lighting, and is inducing 
other cities by the dozen to appoint committees to investi- 
gate the subject 

Soon after I had decided to make electric lighting one of 
the subjects of this series, I was appointed a committee 
of one, to make a report on municipal lamps for the bene- 
fit of Boston, New York, and" Philadelphia. I had no- 
difficulty in securing the appointment, because I made it 
myself — a sure and inexpensive method which I heartily 
commend to all who are anxious for office. In my case the 
appointment was unanimous, and appears to be quite satis- 
factory both to the appointer and the appointee. 

As the work of the said committee is finished, and covers- 
a part of the ground mapped out for the Arena article,. 
I take the liberty of introducing a copy of its 

Report. 

To the Honorable Citizens of Boston, "New York, and 
Philadelphia. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : On the 15th day of April, 1895, a 
quorum being in sight, the following resolution was unani- 
mously adopted by the portion of your honorable bodies 
then present and acting. 

Whereas, Certain rumors have, from time to time, asserted 
that you are paying too much for electric light, and that a 
municipal plant would do the work at half the present cost, — ■ 
therefore be it 

us 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 119 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to ascertain the 
prices paid by other cities in the United States, the cost of 
producing electric light, and the advisability of establishing 
municipal works. 

The said committee now has the honor to state the results 
of its investigations. It has availed itself of the census 
returns, reports of corporations, commissions, and bureaus 
of light, researches of scientists, engineering text-books, 
electric and engineering periodicals, the work of former 
committees in various parts of the Union, and the opinions 
of expert electricians.* The data so obtained have been 
tested, and new data secured, by visitation, correspondence, 
and consultation with practical electrical engineers in 
charge of electric-light stations. Over two hundred letters 
of inquiry have been sent out by this committee, and the 
accumulated literature of the subject — text-books, reports, 
periodicals, and manuscripts — is piled in imposing columns 
on three tables at the committee's several elbows. With 
these few remarks, by way of showing that it has endeavored 
to make a careful and thorough examination of the subject 
entrusted to it, this committee begs leave to submit its 
report, which it hopes may prove useful not only to the cities 
on whose behalf it was specially made, but to every city and 
town desirous of reliable and inexpensive information and 
advice. Those who do not wish to study the science of the 
subject in detail may in a few moments obtain a knowledge 
of the main conclusions reached by the committee by simply 
reading the large print. 

The first thing that is apt to strike a person who glances 
over the facts relating to electric light, is 

§ 1. The Chaos of Prices. — The prices of wheat, corn, 
cotton, and other commodities open to competition are 
nearly uniform all over the Union, but it does not seem to be 
so. with electric light Here are some of the contrasts. 

TABLE I. - 1890. 

Yearly price of standard are. i. e., a 2,000 candle potter lamp, burning all night and 
every night, or 3 £50 to 4,000 hours a year. 

Albany. $182% Brooklyn $182% 

AUBURN, 887 
New York $127% Buffalo $146 

• In the notes at the close of this paper will be found a list of the authori- 
ties most easily accessible to the public, together with a discussion of the 
motive behind them, and their character as to accuracy of statement and 
correctness of method. 



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120 



THE ARENA. 



These plants are all In New York state, all ran by steam, and all 480 watt 
lamps, or 2,000 candle power, except Brooklyn, where the lamps are only 
826 watts, or 1,200 candle power. The statistics are taken from the Census 
of Electric Industries, of New York (Allen R. Foote). _ 

Auburn was a place of about 26,000 inhabitants and Albany 95,000. The 
Auburn plant ran 50 street arcs, and paid $2.58 for coal. The Albany plant 
ran 519 street arcs, and paid $3.40 for coal. Ab we shall see in a few 
moments, the difference of 80 cents In the cost of coal means a dluerence of 
$4 a year In the cost of operating one standard arc. On account of the higher 
price of real estate, the Albany company had to invest about $30 a lamp more 
than the Auburn company, which means a difference of about $2 in the fixed 
charges per lamp. In respect to the other elements of production the Albany 
company had the advantage — In greater size of plant, denser distribution, 
more continuous loading, and even the cost of superintendence, for though 
the salary of the superintendent was larger, yet the number of lamps was 
greater in a still higher ratio, so that the cost per lamp for superintendent's 
salary was less than in Auburn. The entire difference of cost per lamp per 
year was not over $6 more, even If we neglect entirely the elements favorable 
to Albany. The Auburn company was making a good profit at $87 per standard 
arc. Albany should not have paid over $93 on the Auburn basis, but in fact It 
paid double that sum for the very same service. 

Brooklyn's condition was still worse. It did not get standard arcs of 2,000 
candle power, but arcs of only 1,200 candle power, the cost of which is 1-7 
less, or $12 from the Auburn base. The higher cost of real estate In Brooklyn 
would not add more than $3 to the fixed charges per lamp. Coal was only 42 
cents more than in Auburn, for the same quality; and the size of plant distri- 
bution, loading, and labor per lamp were all in favor of Brooklyn, so that the 
city should have paid at least $7 less per light than Auburn, Instead of $95 
more than Auburn. 

Here are the data (Table II). The student may draw similar parallels in 
respect to New York, Buffalo, and Syracuse, which paid at least $35 to $60 
per lamp more than the fair price on the Auburn basis. The census gives the 
price of coal at 50 cents more in Brooklyn than New York, but I am Informed, 
on good authority, that the same quality of coal may be had in large quanti- 
ties at the same figure In the two cities. 



TABLE II. 
AlLNight Street Ares. 



Price per 
Arc. 


No. of 
Lamps. 


Candle 
Power. 


Coal. 


$87 


60 


2,000 


$2.58 


127% 


488 


2,000 


3.00 


144 


309 


2,000 


2.00 


146 


1,150 


2,000 


2.00 


1«2H 


519 


2,000 


3.40 


182,S 


309 


1,200 


3.00 



Auburn 

New York 

Syracuse 

Buffalo 

Albany 

Brooklyn 



1,515,301 
88,143 

255,664 
94.923 

806^3 



Midnight Lamps. 



Fulton , 



Price. 
$54 



No. of 
Lamps. 

74 



Candle 
Power. 

2,000 



Water 
Power. 



Population 
4,234 



Fulton has a 2,000-eandlc-power lamp burning 2,007 hours for $54 a year. 
Water power is one-sixth cheaper than steam, — so we add one-fifth to $54. 
and get $65 as the cost of the same service by a steam-plant, with coal at $2.75 
to $3 a ton. For all-night service we have to add from one-fifth to one-sixth to 
the cost of midnight service, which gives $79 at the outside for a standard am 
with steam plant In a place the size of Fulton. Allowing for realty, and 
neglecting factors that favor the larger cities, we have $84 a year as the out- 
side yearly price for a standard arc in New York, Albany, Buffalo, etc., on the 
basis of the Fulton rates. The Brooklyn 1,200 candle-power lamps should cost 
about one-seventh less, or $71 a year. Instead of $182%. 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 



121 



Here we have private companies charging more than 
double what the charges and accounts of other private 
companies show they should. Take another group of 
-contrasts. 



TABLE III. 



Cmr. 


Yearly 

Price per 

Lamp. 


No. of 
Lamps. 


Candle 
Power. 


Hours per 

Lamp 
per year. 


Cost of 
Coal. 


Popula- 
tion. 


Brooklyn 

New Brighton . . . 

Klmira 

Hndson 

Tankers 

OlovertviUe .... 
Mount Morris . . . 
Phoenix 


* 1 %P 

80 

¥ 

60 
49 
45ft 


309 
100 
36 
82 
62 
69 
32 
24 


1,200 
1,200 
1,200 
1,200 
1,200 
1,200 
1,200 
1,200 


8,960 
3,960 
3,950 
8,960 
3,960 
2^72. 
2,007 
2,007 


$3.00 
3.00 
2.27 
3.66 
3.00 
4.00 
2.40 
8.00 


806,343 
16,423 
30,893 
9,970 
32,033 
3,864 
8,761 
1,466 



The first 6 are steam plants, the last 2 use water power and steam together. 

Compare Brooklyn with New Brighton and Yonkers, all within a few miles 
of one another. The service is the same in all three places — fuel the name 
-also, and every advantage of size, loading, etc., with the Brooklyn Company, 
■except the cost of real estate, which, at the utmost, would not add $4 to the 
jrearly cost of production per lamp, probably not more than half that amount; 

«?t Brooklyn's bill is $82 per lamp more than Yonkers, and $100 more than 
ew Brighton. The Gloversvllle charge Is $60 for a lamp burning 2,372 hours. 
On that basis, the correct charge for a 1,200-candle-power arc burning all night 
and every night would be under $71 a year. Correcting to the utmost for 
Brooklyn's real estate, and subtracting for the diminished cost of coal in 
Brooklyn, but neglecting tne increased output and all other factors tending 
to lower the cost In Brooklyn, we have $70 a year for the utmost Brooklyn 
price on the Gloversvllle basis — $70 against the present $182%. Adding %, 
we have $82 for the utmost standard arc rate on the Gloversvllle basis. On 
the Phoenix and Mount Morris basis, allowing for the use of water power, the 
lower hours, cheap real estate, etc., the Brooklyn price should be from $70 
to $ 75. 

Summing up we find 

TABLE IV. 

The Outside Prices per Arc per Year —All Night Service. 





Brooklyn, 
1,200 c. p. 


New York, 
2,000 c. p. 


Albany, 
2,000 c. p. 


•On the Auburn base 

•' " New Brighton base . . 
" " Mount Morris base . . . 

41 " Fulton base 

" " GloversviHe base . . . 
« » Phoenix base . . . . , 

Average 


$80 
84 
75 
71 
70 
70 

$75 


$94 . 
99 
88 
84 
83 
83 

"$88 


$93 
8 
87 
83 
82 
82 

"$87 



Thus far we have neglected the factors' that lower the cost of production in 
the larger cities, and corrected only for the cost of power, real estate, and 
short hours, so that the above prices are the very utmost correlatives of the 
specified bases. In actual fact, the greater density of population In a large 
«!ty, which lifts the cost of real estate, lifts also, In a still higher degree, the 
productive power of the plant per unit of labor and fuel. The density of 
service grows with the density of population, and more than balances the rise 
In the value of real estate and the Increased wages of skilled labor. The 
greater the number of lamps In a given area, and the more continuous the 



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122 



THE ABENA. 



service, the greater the economy of production. The "loading," as It Is called^ 
Is one of the most Important factors In the cost of light. When the engines 
and dynamos are doing full work, they are said to be carrying a "full load"! 
when they are doing little work, the load 1b said to be "light." The time of 
heaviest load during each 24 hours is called the "peak." Now if a plant has a 
day load as well as a night load, it can obtain much better results than a plant 
having only a night load, often 2 or 3 times as much light from a pound of 
coal.* This is the case In the big cities, where many stores, hotels, and fac- 
tories burn Hants all day in the basement and on the business floors, and not 



a few run lights throughout the night. Little country plants, and all plants 
that light only the streets, are at a very great disadvantage in respect to load- 
ing. Fuel, labor, and time are lost in the idle hours, and on the "slopes" up 



to and away from the "peak." 

When we come to tabulate the facts respecting cost of production, we shall 
find that the increased 'density of business in time and space in our large 
cities a good* deal more than offsets the entire cost of real estate, and all other 
elements of disadvantage, amounting often to a saving of $10 or $15 per arc 
per year as compared with a plant In a place of moderate size like the bases 
above named. Taking this matter Into account, and comparing the total 
amount of business done by the metropolitan companies, and the companies 
In Auburn, Gloversville, etc., we have the results set forth In Table v. As 
the average of the Auk urn and Gloversville equivalents In Table IV. was the 
same as the average of all the bases, we may confine onr attention to them, 
and their average In Table V. is the new average for all the bases of Table 
IV. — the average that would be found by applying the consideration of~ 
density to all the comparisons formerly made. 

TABLB V. 
Fair Price* per Are per Tear—All-Night Service, 





Brooklyn, 
1,200 c. p. 


New York 

2,000 C p. 


Albany, 
2,000 c. p. 


On the Auburn base 

On the Gloversville base . . . 

Fair prices on the average of all 

the New York bases .... 

Actual prices paid 


$70 
60 

65 

182% 


$80 
60 

75 

127% 


$82 
71 

77 

182% 



So, in comparison after comparison, we find that cities 
enjoying the luxury of a big city government, fully embossed 
and ornamented with one or more rings, have to pay more 
than twice the fair price for lighting their streets, while- 
some of the smaller places, whose governments have not yet 
been elevated so far above the people and their interests, 
succeed in getting their light at reasonable rates. Let us 
turn to Massachusetts. 

• See the tabulated facts, Buckley's "Electric Lighting Plants," p. 216 et 
seq. Density of business In time and space not only saves fuel, but labor, 
repairs, and Investment The Investment per lamp In use is not Infrequently 
brought below the Investment per lamp capacity of the dynamos — the same- 
machinery running one set of lamps in the day time and another set at night. 
The Increase In size and density of the business are the most Important ele- 
ments in reducing the cost of production. 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 125 

TABLE VI. 
Standard Arcs, Massachusetts, 1890, Commissioner*' Report— Yearly price per Are, 

Boston . . . $237% Charlestown . . . $237V 4 

Brookline . . 182% Lowell 182% 

Cambridge. . 180 Fall River .... 180 

SALEM, 81M 

Worcester . . 200 Springfield .... 218 

Beverly, $182% 



Several groups of interesting contrasts are suggested by this table. Let us> 
dwell a moment on one or two of them. Cambridge and Boston He side by 
side. Coal costs a little less In Boston than In Cambridge; labor, practically 
the same in the two cities. The Boston Electric Light Company lighted 035- 
standard street arcs in 1890, and the Cambridge Company 105; the total busi- 
ness, street and commercial, done by the Boston Company was eightfold that 
of the Cambridge Co. ; and the distribution also appears to be decidedly favor- 
able to Boston production, as the street miles in that city were 408 against 80- 
In Cambridge; 2% street arcs to a Boston mile, and 1% to a Cambridge mile, 
or, taking the total business, 6 arc equivalents* in a Boston mile against 4 in 
the Cambridge mile. The difference Is really greater than this, for other 
companies possessed part of the territory covered by the 408 Boston miles, 
while the Cambridge Company was alone. The Investment per unit of busi- 
ness was % more in the case of the Cambridge Company than In the Boston 
plant. Still another advantage was possessed by the Boston Company In the 
''loading"; the large number of lamps used all day In the Boston stores gave 
the Boston Company a good day load as well as night load, and made the light 
and revenue, per pound of coal and unit of labor, much greater than waa 
possible in the Cambridge plant, with the same efficiency of management. 
Yet, in spite of all these advantages, In cost of fuel, distribution, size of plant,, 
and loading, which should have made light considerably cheaner in Boston 
than in Cambridge, the Boston Company received $57 more per standard arc 
than was paid to the Cambridge Company for the same service, according to 
the commissioners' reports. 

The contrast with Brookline Is quite as marked. The advantages of load- 
ing, cost of fuel, etc., are with the Boston Company as before, and Its total 
business was tenfold that of the Brookline Company. Boston should have had 
her street arcs for less than Brookline, but even on the Brookline basis Boston 
paid over $50,000 too much for her street lights. 

• According to the Massachusetts Commissioners' Report of 1890, the 
Boston Company had 935 street arcs, and 1,210 commercial arcs, all 2,000 
candle-power, or 2,145 total=about 1,020 kilowatts. It had also 3.070 incan- 
descents,=about 200 kilowatts, or 1,220 kilowatts total. The Cambridge Com- 
pany had 137 arcs of 2,000 candle-power, 1,400 Incandescents of 16 candle- 
power, equal altogether to 155 kilowatts. Boston's 1,220 kilowatts were 
equivalent to 2,540 arcs of 2,000 candle-power, and Cambridge's 155 kilowatts- 
were equivalent to 325 arcs. 



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124 THE ARENA. 

The contrast with Salem is more glaring still, for Salem works at a greater 
disadvantage than Cambridge or Brookline except in respect to the Invest- 
ment. Real estate per unit of business is reported $35 more in the Boston 
plant than in Salem (the total Investment shows a larger difference, but the 
rest is Boston water, as I shall show hereafter). This $35 should make a 
difference of not more than $2 in the fixed charges per standard arc unit. The 
wages of superintendence are higher in Boston, but even this item is less per 
lamp In Boston than in Salem, because the Boston business is so much larger. 
The Boston Company would have to pay eight times the superintendent's 
salary paid by Salem in order to make the cost of superintendence as much per 
lamp as in Salem. In the loading and the cost of fuel Salem labored at a great 
•disadvantage, and the price per arc should have been much less in Boston than 
in Salem, Instead of $73 more. The profits of the companies are not reported 
for the year we are considering; but 3 years later, with still lower prices for 
light, the Salem company rejlbrts 35 per cent of Its receipts as profit, and the 
•Cambridge company 38 per cent, so the Boston excess was not needful for 
reasonable profit. 

The price in Springfield should have been somewhat lower than In Brook- 
line or Cambridge, Worcester a little higher, etc. Instead of following further 
the contrasts Included in Table VI., let us glance at the contrasts between it 
.and the preceding tables. The difference in the cost of power-house coal 
between Auburn and Boston is $1, which means $5 a year more in the Boston 
•operating expenses per lamp.* The higher cost of realty would add about $3 
more to the cost of production per lamp. Wages were higher in Boston abso- 
lutely, but the labor cost per lamp was less. The Boston company had ten- 
fold to fifteen fold the business of the Auburn and Gloversville companies, with 
•double the density In time and treble the density in space — advantages 
which according to Buckley's data and those tabulated by this committee later 
in Its report, should not only overcome the difference of wages but lower the 
cost in fuel, repairs, and fixed charges, $8 or $0 a lamp. On the whole it 
appears reasonable to estimate the Boston equivalent on the Auburn base at 
about $86, on the Gloversville base at $76, and on the average of all the New 
York bases, about $81, indicating a difference of $6 between New York City 
and Boston, which a direct comparison of the two substantially confirms — 
coal being 60 cents more in Boston and the density of business somewhat less. 

It appears, then, on a study of the census and the Massa- 
chusetts Commissioners' Reports, that, allowing for all 
•differences in the conditions of production, Boston has been 
paying a great deal too much for electric light in comparison 
with other cities in Massachusetts, and that Boston and all 
the rest of the Bay State have been paying a tremendous 
advance on the prices proved to be fairly profitable in the 
state of New York — the excess in some cases amounting to 
$150 a lamp, or $ of the total charge. So far as this com- 
mittee is aware, in respect to her light at least, Boston was 
the worst treated city east of the Rocky Mountains, except 

* With plants like those of the Boston Electric Light Company developing 
10 pounds of steam to a pound of coal, $1 per ton of coal means a difference of 
20 cents per nour in the cost of 100 pounds of steam (Buckley's engineering 
tables, p. 13). In a plant where the development was only 8 pounds of steam 
to one of coal the difference would be 22 cents an hour. In a plant of good 
size and quality 100 horse of steam will supply the power for 150 full arcs; 20 
cents an hour ^onld therefore add 146 mills per lamp hour, or $5 a year for 
all-night service (3,050 hours). Electric plants are usually built with nearly 
1 horse power of capacity per full arc, but the capacity does not have to be 
more than % used In such cases. The statistics of electric construction show 
that 1 horse power for 1% arcs Is sufficient (see Buckley, pp. 87, 257). The 
plants of Lowell and Worcester are examples of such construction. The 
actual mechanical equivalent of 1 horse power in the current at its destination 
Is about 2 full arcs, or 900 to 1,000 watts, but there Is some loss between the 
boiler and the lamp in running the engine, overcoming the resistance of the 
circuit, leakage, etc., so that a horse-power of steam In the boiler does not 
produce 2 full arc equivalents of energy In the wire, but only 1% equivalents 
<in a good plant with 100 horse or more in use), rising toward 2 arc equivalents 
-with the Increasing si«e and perfection of the station. 



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THE people's lamps. 125 

perhaps Rutland, Vt, which is said (by the Aegis, March 3, 
1893, p. 169) to have paid $280 an arc a few years ago, while 
Boston was paying $237 and Auburn $87. Worcester and 
Springfield were only a little better off than Boston. Indeed 
the dear old keen-witted Yankee state appears to have lost 
its senses in the census year. We shall see pretty soon that 
it has begun to recuperate in spots; but first let us take a 
wider view of affairs in 1890. 

TABLE VII. 

Prices paid to Private Companies per Standard Arc per Year. 

San Francisco, 9440 
New York, $84 to 1182 Washington . . . $21» 

8T. LOUIS, mis 

Philadelphia . . 177 Brooklyn .... 182: 

Boston, $237 
Cambridge ... 180 Brookllne .... 187 

Springfield, $218 
Lowell .... 182 Fall River .... 189 

Worcester, $200 

These rates are taken from the eleventh census and the Massachusetts: 
Commissioners' Report of January, 1800. Except in Brooklyn the lamp was- 
an arc of 2,000 candle-power burning all night and every night, or 3,050 to 
4,000 hours per year. Brooklyn had all-night arcs of 1,200 candle-power. New 
York had 28 lamps at $84 a year, 18 at $88, 173 at $92, 169 at $105, 830 at $127. 
96 at $164, and 19 at $182 — all standard arcs. 

Here we have St Louis getting a standard arc for $75 a 
year, while Philadelphia was paying $177, Brooklyn at the 
rate of $212 ($182 for a sub-arc), Boston $237, and San 
Francisco $440— the same service in every case, but what a 
contrast in the price! Upon what meat doth this Saint 
Louis feed that he is able to conquer the corporations in 
such superior style? Or is there some terrible blight on the 
productivity of Brooklyn and Boston that makes it three 
times as difficult to harness an engine to a dynamo in Massa- 
chusetts or New York as in Missouri? 

The committee has carefully examined the facts and 
cannot discover any such blight. When manufactures come 
to competitive markets Massachusetts asks no odds of 



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126 THE AKENA. 

Missouri or any of her sister states. The committee has not 
been able to find any reason whatever for the enormous 
prices in Brooklyn and Boston except that the people who 
paid the taxes there didn't have much influence in determin- 
ing what should be paid for the street lights — not so much 
influence, quite, as the men who were making the light and 
expected to pocket the pay for it 

"But," some one may say, "the company in St Louis must 
surely be losing money." No. Mr. Buckley in his work on 
"Electric Lighting Plants," pp. 244-45, has tabulated the 
expenses, fixed charges, and earnings of the St Louis com- 
pany, and shows that its earnings were, from the start, con- 
siderably in excess of the combined amount of operating 
expenses and fixed charges (which latter were unusually 
heavy, as the company built with a large margin for future 
business), and the second year it paid ten pe'r cent dividend 
on a million and a half. 

"But," says some one again, "a company may light the 
streets below cost and make it up on commercial lamps." 
True, it is possible for a company to do this, though probably 
rare; but it certainly was not the case in St Louis, for the 
company was started expressly to light the streets on a $75 
contract, and for a considerable time the street lighting 
constituted nearly the whole of its business. There was 
good management, and electricity at a reasonable margin 
above cost, without water. 

"But Boston has to pay more for coal than St Louis, and 
there is a difference otherwise in the conditions of produc- 
tion." Yes, but the total difference is only about $5 to $6 
a year on a lamp for operating expenses, fixed charges, and 
all, and that will not justify a difference of $162 a lamp in 
the charge. In the small print that follows will be found an 
examination of the conditions of production in Philadelphia, 
Boston, New York, etc., as compared with St Louis, together 
with an effort to determine the eastern equivalents of the St 
Louis rate, after which Table VIL is rewritten with the rates 
as they would be if governed by the St Louis base; and 
finally the actual situation at the present time is set forth in 
Table IX. 

We will first compare Philadelphia with St Louis — Philadelphia with a 
million people, St. Louis with half a million, and each with about 1,000 miles 
of street, and nearly the same number of arcs. Bulletin 100 gives St Louis 



3,231 seventv-flve-dollar standard arcs at the beginning of 1890, but this Is an 
er.or — or a* prediction of the future, perhaps — for St. Louis had only 2,000 
area in operation under her contract In May, 1890 (see Buckley, p. 240). Phila- 
delphia has now about 5,000 arcs and St Louis nearly the same. The business 
of commercial lighting Is a little denser in Philadelphia, and real estate Is 
quoted a little higher. Electrical employees receive substantially Identical 
wages. Superintendents' salaries may differ a little — the St Louis company 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. Yd 

refused to inform this committee on that point — bat as it would take a differ- 
ence of $15,000 a year to make a difference of $1 in the cost of production per 
full arc unit of business, and as the difference, if any, is much less than 
$15,000, It may be disregarded without seriously affecting the result. Coal 
costs the St. Louis company $2.12% a ton delivered, and the Philadelphia 
power-houses pay $2.75 at the works for a hard coal which is said to be of 
better quality than the muddy bituminous article used in St. Louis. The 
difference in the cost of coal represents $3 difference In the yearly cost per 
standard arc as we have seen. It is probable that the density of business in 
Philadelphia more than balances this. In comparing two large cities, the 
.difference due to density of business Is not bo marked as In a comparison of 
a large city with a small one, for the reason that In all the large cities the 
business is sufficient to allow good loading, and the adoption of very favorable 
nnits In engines, boilers, and machinery. There is no such contrast as 
between the continuous load and big units of a great city plant, and the 
broken load and little units of a small plant. There is always, however, a 
decided advantage with the larger output and the denser business, especially 
the latter, when both the plants are of good size. On the whole it Is reason- 
able to suppose that light can be produced as cheaply In Philadelphia as in 
St Louis. Even leaving the density item out of account, the Philadelphia 
price would be only $3 more than the St. Louis price, or $78 per arc, instead 
•of $177 In 1800 and $160 now. 

Philadelphia paid and is paying twice as much as St Louis 
for the same service, under substantially equivalent condi- 
tions; which is precisely as just as if the people of Phila- 
delphia had to pay two cents each for postal cards that St 
Louis could buy for a cent, or four cents for a two-cent 
stamp which is sold at par in St Louis. 

In Brooklyn the conditions of producing light are substantially identical 
with those of Philadelphia (though the citizens of the Quaker Belt sometimes 
have difficulty In believing this when they study the results); $75 per standard 
.arc, or $04 per sub-arc, would be the fair Brooklyn correlative to the St. Louis 
rate. 

In New York also the difference Is trifling except in respect to the conse- 
quences of Increased density of population. New York claimed 1,515,000 
people and 575 miles of street against St. Louis' 451,770 people and 1,000 miles 
of street; Indicating a density In New York 6 tiroes that of St. Louis and 3 
times that of Philadelphia, with equally efficient management this difference 
in density will certainly balance the $7 per lamp due to the extra cost of fuel 
and real estate In New York as compared with St. Louis. The New York 
equivalent cannot be more than $84, and there Is every reason to suppose It 
Is not more than $75.* The figures relating to New York at the foot of Table 
VII. were given me by Mr. McCormlck, superintendent of lamps In New York. 
A reference to them discloses the fact that New York did secure some lamps 
at pretty fair rates, but the big company that furnished most of the lights 
charged in proportion to Its size and importance. 

Coming to Boston, we have already seen that the cost Is probably about $6 
more per lamp than In New York or Brooklyn. Comparing Boston directly 
with Philadelphia and St. Louis, we find at the Hub, 1,850 arcs, 448,477 people 
and 408 miles of street. For the same bulk of business the density Is about 
the same as in Philadelphia, and twice what it is in St. Louis, but the bulk ef 
the Boston company's business Is not more than 7-10 that of the St. Louis 
company. The advantage is $2 or $3 an arc with the Boston company, as 
compared with St. Louis, but the cost of fuel more than overcomes It. A coal 
equivalent In steaming power to that which costs $2.75 a ton In Philadelphia 
can be had for $3.00 a ton in Boston. A good grade of Cumberland can be 

• It will be noticed that the equivalents Just found for New York and 
Brooklyn on the St. Louis base agree quite closely with the averages In Table 
V on the New York bases. They are lower than the equivalents found on 
the Auburn base and higher than the Gloversville rates, Indicating that the 
Auburn base 1b higher than the St. Louis base. A comparison of the two 
directly, with due allowance for the differences In coal (—$2.50) and real 
estate (+$2) and density (—$5) per lamp, proves that the St. Louis rate Is 
about $6 50 below the Auburn equivalent, which agrees substantially with 
the difference in results of the calculations built upon the two bases. 



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128 THE AEENA. 

bought on yearly contract for $3.45 a ton delivered, and the city pays |3.10 onr 
the boat In the Harbor, but I am Informed on high authority — much higher 
than that of the engineer quoted in a preceding article — that the average coat 
of the coal used by the power stations in Boston is $3.60 a ton delivered at the 
works. The fuel Item Is therefore $4.50 more per lamp in Boston than in 
Philadelphia, and $7 more than in St Louis; giving on the whole about $79.50- 
to $81 as the Bostou equivalent of the St. Louis rate. Wherefore 

Boston was paying nearly three times as much for electric- 
lights as she would have paid with a contract as fair to her 
under her conditions of production as the St. Louis contract 
was under St. Louis conditions. 

San Francisco labored under such disadvantages In respect to the cost of 
fuel, labor, materials, and the rate of interest, that, as nearly as the com- 
mittee can ascertain, about $25 must be added - to the St Louis base, making 
the equivalent about $100. which, large as It is, Is yet in striking contrast witb 
the actual charges of $440 per lamp. Data given me last week by R. H. 
Walker, chief of the Electrical Bureau of Philadelphia, who has Just returned 
from San Francisco, show that the present difference in the cost of production 
between St. Louis and San Francisco is only about $15 per standard arc. 

Correcting the rest of the rates In Table VII. we have the following results 
TABLE VIII. 

Standard Arc Rates Corrected to the St. Louis Base. 







San Francisco, $100 






New York . . 


. $75 


St. Louie, $75 


Washington 


. . $85 


Philadelphia . 


75 


Boston, $80% 


Brooklyn . . 


. . 64 


Cambridge . . 


88 


Springfield, $87 


Brookline . . 


. . 90 


Lowell .... 


. 90 


Worcester, $92 


Fall River . . 


. . 89 



The committee does not pretend that its estimates of equivalence are pre- 
cise to a cent or even a dollar. The differences due to variations of density, 
etc., cannot be determined with such a degree of definlteness except by Induc- 
ing the electric companies In the various cities to tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth about all the details of their business, reveal- 
ing every Item of expense throughout the year. This the committee has found 
itself unable to do. It would suggest to your honorable bodies the advisability 
of conferring upon It the requisite power to secure such disclosure In the 
future; it might enable us to determine even the effects that are due to differ- 
ences In the density of business at the city hall. Even without such aid, 
however, sufficient data are obtainable to make the estimates quite reliable, 
and the committee believes they are within a few dollars of the truth, and It 
Is willing to prove Its confidence in them by taking a contract for lighting any 
of the cities named at the specified rate. It seems proper to state that the 
committee was at one time In Its history a civil engineer, and does not feel 
like an alien In the land of figures, but regards them as familiar friends in 
whom it reposes much confidence. It may also be stated that during the whole 
of the present Investigation, the committee has had the benefit of frequent 
consultation with a thoroughly competent specialist, an experienced electrician 
who is the acting superintendent of an electric light station. 

It is interesting to note that with the prices of Table VUL 
(which under good management would have given ten per 
cent dividends on the needed investment) the taxpayers of 
Philadelphia would have saved $100,000 in the census year, 
Boston $125,000, Brooklyn $177,000, etc., and that the sum 
total saved to the people in all the cities named would have 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 129 

been more than half a million dollara Now let ns look at 
these cities in 1894. 

TABLE IX. 

Yearly Price per Are for All-Night Service, 1894. Area reported ZfiOO o. p. wdeee 

otherwise marked. 

San Francisco, $148. I 

New York . $146 to $182 Washington . . $18* 

ST. LOUIS, S75. 
Philadelphia ... 160 Brooklyn, 1,200 c. p. 182 

Boston, $130 
Cambridge, 1,200 c. p. 115 Brookline ... 146 

SPRINGFIELD, 1,200 C.p. 875. 
Lowell 131 Fall River. . . 1G0 

Worcester, $127. 

Philadelphia pays 39 cents a night where the electric company uses the 
city conduits for Its wires, but It pays 45 to 55 cents a night to companies not 
using the city lines; the Suburban and German town companies each receive 
55 cents a night, or $200 a year, for an arc — quite a contrast with the St. 
Louis rate. Philadelphia has now 5.300 arcs to pay for, for which she has set 
aside $850,000 this year. Boston has about 1,850 arcs — 1,590 from the Boston 
Electric Light Company which receives $137 per arc, and the rest from the 
Charlestown and Brookline companies which receive $146 per arc. Cambridge 
has now 461 arcs of 1,200 candle-power In place of the 105 standard arcs 
reported in 1890. She pays $115, which is equivalent to $134 per full arc, or 
about the Boston rate. The mayor told a person who Interviewed him on 
behalf of this committee that $75 or $80 would In his judgment be about the 
fair thing for the 1,200 candle-power lamps, which leads this committee to 
think the mayor's judgment very good. The details for New York were kindly 
furnished by Mr. McCormlck, superintendent of lamps, who writes: "New 
York, April 19, 1895. — The number of arc electric lamps In 1894 was 1,599 at 
40 cents a night or $146 per year; 891 at 45 cents or $164% per year; and 135 
at 50 cents a night or $182% per year — 2,625 lamps lighted all night and 
every night. These lamps are commonly called 2,000 candle-power, but actu- 
ally they are but 1,000 candle-power.*' 

Table IX. looks better than Table VII., except in the case 
of New York. Philadelphia has gained $17 a lamp, which 
is practically nothing in comparison with the distance the 
rate ought to drop to find a just level. Boston has gained 
about $100 a lamp, which is certainly a great step toward 
justice, and serves to emphasize, by force of admission, the 
terrific degree of the former injustice. Springfield alone 
has shown anything like an adequate grasp of the situation. 
Her rate of $75 per sub-arc is equal to $88 per standard arc, 



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130 THE ARENA. 

which is substantially identical with the St Louis equiva- 
lent for Springfield. 

In spite, however, of the relatively favorable appearance 
of Table IX., these cities as a whole paid more extortion- 
money for light in 1894 than they did in 1890. The over- 
charge per lamp is less, but the number of lamps is so much 
greater that the total excess is larger than before. Boston 
taxpayers were overcharged $100,000 in 1894 as compared 
with the St Louis equivalent; New York paid $330,000 too 
much; the excess in Philadelphia is $425,000 a year — more 
than $1,000 a day; and the sum of the overcharges in all the 
cities named is a good deal more than a million dollars — 
over twice the total of excess for the same cities in 1890. 

The examples given in this article by no means exhaust 
the subject of the chaos of prices. Other illustrations occur 
later in the report The body of facts already adduced is 
nufficient however, to make it clear that the price of electric 
light is independent of industrial conditions, and bears no 
definite relation to the cost of production, being for the most 
part highest in the largest cities, where the cost of produc- 
tion per lamp is the lowest The price of electric light is 
governed by a higher law than any known to economics; it 
appears to depend chiefly on political conditions — the 
ratio of intelligent public spirit to the power of monopoly in 
the control of the city's affairs. 

It would be* a fine thing for all our cities if their govern- 
ments could obtain and manifest as much common sense and 
public spirit as St. Louis and Springfield have shown on this 
question of electric light Yet we shall see hereafter that 
they could do still better by making their light for them- 
selves, and that even St. Louis herself with a well managed 

municipal plant could save three hundred th . I'm 

almost afraid to tell you how much till the proof has been 
put before you. 

(To be continued.) 



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SHALL OUR YOUNG MEN STUDY IN PARIS f 



WRITTEN BY AN AMERICAN GIRL AFTER TWO YEARS OP 
PARISIAN ART STUDY. 



In the minds of our young men students of painting, sculpture, 
and architecture, peculiarly susceptible as their temperaments 
are to dreams and fancies, Paris appears as a Mecca towards 
which some l>ark will sooner or later be pretty sure to bear 
them. Arrived in Paris their Mecca is soon converted into the 
no less fascinating Bohemia, that strange country which lies 
here, there, and everywhere. If one should ask you, " What is 
Paris ?" you would beyond doubt be well agreed that it is a 
beautiful city, full of a pleasure-loving people, who live and die 
like any other, leaving behind them the good or bad fruits of 
their labors, conspicuous among which are the museums, 
churches, and what-not of world-wide fame and of world-wide 
interest. But beyond this you would* differ greatly, so that I 
should be forced to conclude that there are as many cities of 
Paris as there are people who live in it. The same of Bohemia. 
To one it is a state of brotherly feeling — good ! Of unconven- 
tionally — good ! Of naturalness — shall I say good ? Of unre- 
straint — stop a bit. 

Your boy is in Paris ; he is at an impressionable age, of an 
impressionable nature; what is he doing there? I will say 
nothing of the wretched ventilation of the studio in which he 
may work ; that is a subject of hygiene. I will not dwell upon 
the widespread moral filth of which he must needs be aware ; 
that in itself is subject for a voluminous treatise. I will speak 
only of the immediate and subtle influences which envelop him. 

He shows a quality in his work, no doubt, that interests 
some of his fellow-students ; they begin to be friendly and offer 
him advice. His work is sincere, they tell him, but it is not free 
enough; it is too self-restrained. Of course he wishes to be 
free. His drawing has no lusciousness. What a pity ! it would 
give it such a charm. He must lead a natural life, near to 
nature; and this, in his innocence, he greatly desires to do. 

131 



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132 THE ARENA 

How odd that two people can put such different meanings into 
the same words ! He must have charity. Oh ! certainly. He 
will not be prudish. 

How well I know this stage. With what anxiety I have 
watched more than one young man growing into this state of 
mind. It has been my fortune to walk* hand in hand in a beauti- 
ful friendship with one of these. Shall I ever forget the day 
that the crisis came? The occasion was the students' ball. My 
friend had heard no end of talk of the coming event ; the studio 
was agog with it. " Oh ! you must go," they told him. " You 
will see such magnificent combinations of color, and for once 
you will step entirely out of the bonds of conventional life." 
This sounded very attractive. Echoes of other sides of the 
story reached his ears, but then they were the biased opinions of 
people who knew nothing about it ; he wished to see with his 
own eyes. He is most unselfish, our comrade, and would have 
had my chum and me enjoy the beauties with him. " There is 
no danger in taking girls with you," the men had told him, 
"provided you keep always together ." We did not like the 
sound of this assurance, and upon further inquiry decided to re- 
main at home. 

Now it so came about that Wagner's Walkttre was given at 
the opera that same night. W^ were soon to leave for the 
country and this would be likely to prove our only opportunity 
of hearing a performance we had long anticipated, so our friend 
said he could go first with us, then dress and go to the ball 
after midnight — it would be just the best time. With many 
misgivings we bade him good-night after the wonderful opera 
had thrilled and inspired us. What would the morning bring? 

It was late when he joined us the following day. We asked 
no questions ; how could we ? His face told us as plainly as 
words that he had lived years in those few hours. I can feel it 
yet, the reverent touch of his hand on my shoulder, as he said : 
" I would not have had you go for all the world. I know now 
what it leads to. I will have charity, God helping me, but it 
shall be another kind from the charity of yesterday." How 
could we help being glad that he had gone ? Tet it might have 
been so different ! 

Your boy will hear it, he will have it rung in his ears day 
after day, " No matter what you are, your work is the important 
thing," — as if you could separate them ! I heard one of our 
young American artists say, not long ago, and it will haunt me 
forever : " That picture is a work of art. You say its motive is 
bad, its tendency bad? Bosh! you must not inquire into a 
man's motive ; 'a creation is fine or not entirely irrespective of 
its moral influence." We were at a gathering, and a very tal- 



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SHALL OUR YOUNG MEN STUDY IN PARIS? 183 

ented young fellow who was to spend his first year in Paris was 
with us. I shuddered to think of his hearing such words from 
a man to whom he looked up as his superior. It makes my heart 
ache to tell you that there is a sequel to this anecdote, which if 
it were a less common consequence I should be more reticent 
about making public. Several months of Parisian life, led unfor- 
tunately in close contact with a man who holds these same views 
to which my young friend had been introduced, have made so great 
a change in a face never indicative of great moral strength, that 
it saddens me beyond measure to meet him. I see him now more 
and more seldom, and understand that he shuns all those whom 
he has known. What will be the result unless he will allow 
himself to come under some other influence I tremble to con- 
jecture. 

And yet we must be brave and face this matter squarely. 
We must investigate the pressure which starts so many of our 
young men on the path that leads thqm to destruction. Does it 
not stun you, when I tell you that not only do young men see, 
hear, and breathe this moral decay, but that some of the Paris 
doctors themselves are leagued with men and with devils to drag 
them down, and that the all-absorbing question for weak ana 
strong alike is how to keep themselves pure in an atmosphere 
reeking with immorality. 

Mothers and fathers, think more than twice before you let 
your boy enter this Bohemian life, without a sure anchorage in 
some high-principled man or woman whom he respects and loves 
and in whom he can confide. Do not allow yourselves to be 
persuaded that he is strong enough to tread this path alone. 
Faith is beautiful, but discretion is none the Uss praiseworthy. 
Tou have not the faintest idea of the influences that may be 
brought to bear upon him. I must and do speak guardedly. I 
am not a spy. I am enjoying the privileges of a foreign coun- 
try ; in justice to that country I must see what good I can in 
its institutions, although I do not feel called upon to withhold 
or hide what I know to be corrupt. What has come to me with- 
out any undue investigation I feel bound, for the welfare of my 
countrymen, to divulge. I make no insinuations ; I say openly 
that I know the majority of the leading studios for men in 
Paris to be hotbeds of immorality. That this Old World has 
much to battle against in overthrowing the effects of climate, of 
inheritance, and of established custom we must not forget; but 
do we dare imperil our future by too close an intimacy with this 
frightful quality of Parisian life ? 

Young men, do not be in too much haste to leave the compar- 
atively pure atmosphere of our American pchoofc. What more 
do you really need for your growth than a model, a wholesome 



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134 



THE ABENA. 



work-room, industry, and observation ? There is no royal road 
to knowledge ; you must make yourselves. What more do you 
want for your growth? One thing which cannot be got at 
home — the wonderful and beautiful historic art and architecture 
of the Old World. But do not be in a hurry for it; it will not 
crumble away before you are fully a man, with a man's strength 
and a man's development. Come and study in the galleries and 
churches of Europe when the time is ripe for it, but keep in 
yourselves the purity which I pray it may be America's province 
to further for the world. What nobler work could a country do 
for art than to help give the lie to the monstrous idea that art 
and licentiousness must walk hand in hand, and that self-indul- 
gence is one of the necessities of life ? 

44 To thine own self be true, 
And it shall follow, as the night the day, 
Thou canst not then be false to any man." 






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TWO BEASTS. 



BY GBACE SHAW DUFF. 



And an angel took my hand and said, "Come, I have 
unseen things to show you." 

Then he led me out of the broad way into a narrow path; 
the men and women, my companions, went on, and I was 
alone with the angel; but I was not afraid, for a light shone 
from his eyes that lighted the narrow path. 

And I saw small things gleam with light, and I heard 
small creatures sing in unknown harmonies; and small 
flowers bloomed, and breathed unknown fragrance, and I 
said to the angel, 

"It is easier to walk in the narrow path than in the broad 
way." 

"Yes," he answered, "with the light" 

And his eyes shone on; and in the vista of the path were 
the small gleaming things, and I heard the music, and I 
breathed the perfume. 

When we came to the end of the path, I looked out and 
saw a great place, and before the place a man in the dress 
of a knight And I said to the guide, 

"What is the place, and who is the man? " 

And the angel said, "Watch! " And still the light shone 
from his eyes. 

I turned to the place and the man, and then I saw that the 
place was the Within; and the place stretched so far away, 
that my eyes could not reach its confines. The intense light 
that came from its every part did not blind me, because T 
knew it was the same light that shone from the angel's eyes. 

And I heard sounds that were more than sound, but my 
spirit understood; and yet I turned to the angel and said, 

"What is the man going to do? " 

And the angel said, "Watch! " 

Then I looked into the man's mind and read his Thoughts, 
and into his heart, and knew his Desire; and I saw that 
the Within held all his Desire, and that it was also the 
beginning and end of all his Thoughts. And the man 

136 



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136 THE ARENA. 

walked toward the Within, and his armor shone with the 
same sheen that is on the sea in the noontide; and I saw 
his spirit look out from his eyes, with the same light that 
gleamed in the small things and in the eyes of the angel, 
and with the same light that blazed in the Within. And I 
heard his spirit sing, and it was the same song the small 
creatures sang. And the Desire in his heart grew big, as 
the man looked into the Within and saw there all his Desire 
satisfied. 

And he came nearer and nearer to the Within, and the 
great light from the Within and the light from the spirit 
that looked out of the man's eyes made one light, and for a 
moment I could see neither the man nor his Desire. 

Then a strange thing came to pass; for where before the 
Within had been without confine, I saw a high wair stretch 
between the man and it, and there was a Without; and in 
the midst of the wall was a portal, and on the right of the 
portal a beast with open mouth. 
And I said to the angel, "Who is the beast? " 
And the angel said, "The name of the beast is 1 cannot 9 " 
And I said to the angel, "What will the beast do? " 
And the angel said, "Watch! " And the light still shone 
in the angel's eyes. 

Then I looked into the man's heart, and I saw the Desire 
which was before big for birth grown small, and it lay like 
a thing still-born; and where the spirit had looked out of 
the man's eyes with a light like the angel's, there was dark- 
ness; and the shining armor of the man, that had shone like 
the sea in the noontide, was dimmed with the sulphurous 
breath of the beast 

And I saw the mortal sense Fear that was in the man leap 
out to meet the beast; and the beast and the mortal sense 
Fear became one and the same beast And I saw the man 
totter and fall prone on the sand before the portal of the 
Within. 
And I said to the angel, "Will the man never go in? " 
And the angel said, "Watch!" while the light burned 
brighter in his eyes. 

And the man moved and stood upright, and the wall was 
gone, with the portal and the beast; and there was no more 
Without, but the glory of the Within shone all about the 
place, and the spirit looked again out of the man's eyes, and 
his armor shone with the same sheen that is on the sea in 
the noontide. 

And I looked into the man's mind, and saw Great 
Thoughts ready for birth; and the man came nearer and 



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TWO BEASTS. 137 

nearer to the Within, and the spirit that looked from his 
eyes saw that the beginning and the end were the parents 
of the Thoughts. And the light from the Within and the 
light from the spirit that looked from the man's eyes was 
one light, and for one moment I could see neither the man 
nor his Thoughts. 

And then again appeared the high wall making the With- 
out, and the portal with another beast on the left 
And I said to the angel, "Who is this beast? " 
And he answered, "The name of this beast is, '/ can/ " 
And I said to the angel, "What will this beast do? " 
And the angel said, "Watch." And I felt the light from 
Hie angel's eyes kindle my own soul. 

And I looked into the man's mind. And the' Great 
Thoughts which before had stood firm and pure like white 
lilies, now drooped like winding sheets upon their barren 
stalks; and where the spirit of the man had looked out from 
his eyes with the same glory that shone in the angel's eyes 
there was now darkness, with the light gone out; and the 
shining armor of the man that had shone with the sheen that 
is on the sea at noontide, grew dim with the sulphurous 
breath of the beast; and I saw the mortal sense Personality 
that was in the man leap out to meet the beast, and the 
mortal sense Personality and the beast became one and the 
same beast. 

And the man came a little nearer to the Within, but he 
tottered and fell prone on the sand before the portal of the 
Within. 

And I asked the angel, "Will the man ever go in? " 
"Yes, when the Without becomes as the Within." 
And I prayed the angel, "Let me go and tell the man." 
"No," said the angel, "he must learn the way from the two 
leasts." 

And then I saw that the light in the angel's eyes was Love. 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 



THE COMING REVOLUTION.* 

Mr. Call's Survey of the Social and Economic Field — Plutocracy the 
Product of Special Privilege — The Fallacy of the Survival of the 
Fittest Theory when Applied to Social Conditions — The Well- 
springs of Colossal Fortunes found in Privileges obtained through 
(1) Inheritance; (2) Monopoly in Land; (3) Monopoly in Money;. 
(4) Monopoly in Transportation; (5) Monopoly in Commodities, 
or Corporate Control of Industry — The Plea of Privilege — The* 
Fruit of Privilege — The Law of Freedom — A Critical Exami- 
nation of the Main Factors in the Production of Plutocrat and 
Proletariat — The New Republic. 
In "The Coming Revolution" Mr. Call has made a contribution to- 
social and economic literature of the new time of positive value. It 
is a work which merits a very wide reading. It might be justly 
characterized a trumpet call to freemen; -but it is more than this — 
it is a calm, fair, and masterly survey of social conditions as they 
exist; an investigation of the underlying causes of the widespread 
poverty and misery of to-day, and a bold but reasonable and states- 
manlike presentation of measures, which, if radical, are as conserva- 
tive as any remedies can be, which in the nature of the case are more 
than palliatives or temporary makeshifts. 

The author is a brilliant lawyer; he has been trained to reason 
logically and to view questions on all sides, but his education has 
not blinded him to the fundamental demands of Justice. He has a 
charming style, at once lucid and concise; he makes his meaning 
perfectly plain, while using few words — an art few writers possess;, 
his style is simple, and he has so thoroughly mastered the subject 
in hand that he finds no difficulty in making his meaning perfectly 
plain. 

So important is this work at the present crisis that it calls for an 
extended review. As may be inferred, the author does not agree 
with the conventional economists who owe their popularity and live- 
lihood to their efficiency as sophists in the unsavory if lucrative role 
of the paid tools or attorneys for plutocracy, and who are ever 
anxious to silence the discontent of the industrial millions, who are 
being pressed slowly but remorselessly toward serfdom, through 
injustice and the essential anarchy of capitalism. He does not 
believe that it is the will of a Divine Providence that a million should 

* "The Coming Revolution," by Henry L. Call. Pp. 240; price, cloth $1.25, paper 
60 cents. Arena Publishing Company, Boston. 

138 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 139 

suffer that ten may revel in millions of dollars which have been 
acquired by the ten, bat earned chiefly by the millions. 
In his opening chapter on "The Signs of the Times," he says: 
There are those who have come to charge the wretchedness and 
warfare now everywhere existing among men to their institutions, 
instead of to any wise or beneficent provision for their future; they 
deny either the necessity or benefit of the hardships the great mass 
of mankind now suffer, and demand that these hardships be at once 
remedied. 

He points out the general discontent which exists and the various 
methods proposed for remedying the wrongs which are becoming too 
grievous to be borne: 

The condition of the tolling masses may truly be described as a 
struggle for existence. Hard and constant toil is necessary for the 
meagre return which clothes body and affords shelter and food, but 
it is not the ceaseless grind of work which is chiefly responsible for 
the discontent which is present among the industrial millions 
throughout the industrial world. Work is not itself unwelcome, but 
it is the anxiety, poverty, and wretchedness which are everywhere 
the lot of labor, that cause men to look with sullen dread and revolt 
upon this struggle. However meagre their subsistence, this is ever 
precarious; theirs is a contest for very life in which many fail. 
Each recurring crisis shows how thin are the walls of chance which 
ever divide success, in this struggle, from failure. Then it is that the 
merchant and mechanic fail in business, the farmer loses his farm, 
and penniless and burdened with debt they together sink into the 
condition of wage-laborers; meanwhile their ruin has also driven 
labor out of employment, and the ranks of the unemployed, always 
full, swollen from these various sources, become now so crowded that 
all cannot hope to obtain positions; a competition ensues in which 
some must inevitably fail. However remote the tramp and pauper 
of society may seem from their more fortunate fellows, they have 
but failed In the common struggle. 

The "Struggle for Existence 9 * Fallacy. 
But it is urged that the savage struggle for life is seen among the 
lower animals, that the weaker are devoured by the stronger, and the 
fittest survive, therefore this brutal struggle is natural. This argu- 
ment Is fatally weak if examined in a candid and impartial spirit, 
even though we leave all question of morality out of the discussion. 
For the conditions are not the same. The freedom which obtains 
among the lower animals is not present here. The widespread 
misery to-day is due chiefly to artificial and not natural conditions. 
On this point Mr. Call is very strong. He shows: (1) That there is no 
sound reason for the struggle for existence with man because there is 
wealth enough for all, and under just conditions no man, woman, or 
child who chose to work need fear poverty. (2) That, under the 
conditions which exist among the lower animals the colossal fortunes 
of the present would be impossible. These two points are clearly set 
forth, and upon the establishment of them the popular plea of the 
apologists for plutocracy falls. Touching the bounty of nature he 
observes: 



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140 THE ABENA. 

The position of man in the world is far from unfavorable. The 
world is large enough for all, but everywhere land is unoccupied — 
withheld from use. It is, too, so bountiful, that if labor is but 
Allowed to exert itself for a brief season, the cry is raised of over- 
production, the markets are glutted, mines must be closed, mills must 
be shut down, and labor must be turned out of employment because 
there is no demand for its products. Nor was the labor of man ever 
more effective than now. Machinery has come to his aid. and with 
it he can accomplish so much in every branch of production that 
labor itself is becoming superfluous — a drug on the market; man is 
crowded out of the field of industry because his labor has become 
too efficient. Surely, when the world is large enough for all, when its 
bounty more than suffices for all the wants of man, and when his 
labor is only too efficient in procuring the satisfaction of his wants — 
surely, in face of these facts, the position of man in the world cannot 
be held responsible for his woes; want and wretchedness cannot be 
preached as the necessary and natural lot of man. 

The poor will not believe that their struggle and want are neces- 
sary, so long as they see in contrast with their condition the posses- 
sions and Idleness of the rich. This is not only the age of paupers, it 
is also the age of the millionaire; the hovel of the poor is under the 
shadow of the palace of the rich. However stinted and wretched 
may; be the lot of the masses, they see here no evidence of want; all 
Is, instead, the most lavish luxury and display; everything that 
wealth can procure to satisfy the wants, or pander to the appetite 
and pride of man, or astonish the gaze of the beholder, belongs to 
these favorites of fortune. Yet, notwithstanding all their expendi- 
tures, the fortunes of the rich are ever swelling into vaster and 
vaster proportions; the number of the rich, too, is fast increasing. 
-The hoards and the squanderings of these alike show that the world 
is filled with abundance: they also show the wonderful effectiveness 
of labor; for labor, either of the past or present, is, after all, the 
source of all value, and the means by which all wealth is brought 
into being. 

Thus it will be seen that the "survival" argument is fatally weak 
in that it is based on false premises. It necessarily assumes that 
there is not room enough for all, that some must perish in order that 
•others may survive, and therefore that man has a natural right to 
prey upon his brother. Not only does this popular plea rest upon 
false premises, but it assumes that man in civilization is accorded at 
least as fair a chance in his struggle with his fellowman as the lower 
animals enjoy, and this assumption is false. 

It is not applicable to present conditions, for the reason that the 
freedom of struggle there [among the lower animals] allowed is here 
denied. The brute has the free use of all his faculties; to one is 
given strength, to another cunning, and each, by the kind provision 
of nature, is adapted to obtain his living in his own way. This Is 
indeed the cause of his survival: the first law of nature, the very 
instinct of life, is self-preservation; to preserve his life the brute is 
allowed the use of every faculty given him; where life is at stake 
every means to preserve it is Justified. But it is not so with man's 
institutions. Man cannot by his strong arm, help himself to the 
plenty he sees around him; to do so would be trespass or crime. 
Cunning is the only faculty in free use, and it is allowed to run riot. 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 141 

Manly strength is chained helpless, while low cunning, deft-fingered, 
passes by and filches from it. 

Nor is labor allowed in its struggle the freedom of opportunity 
given the brute. Each brute has free access to the world; man is 
denied that access by the laws of society, which give the world to 
the few in each generation and say to all others "keep aloof." These 
few play the "dog in the manger;' 1 and although they may each have 
enough to support a thousand such as they, society Itself stands 
watch and ward over their possessions, and turns portionless labor 
away unless it can purchase the consent of these owners by the 
wages of servitude. Compared with the lot of labor how free that 
of the brute! Take the most savage and despicable of these, the 
wolf and the hyena: they each range the prairie or forest in equal 
struggle, and do not always feel It necessary to war upon and devour 
each other; then when they have satisfied their maw from the 
carcass which they with honest toil have slain, they become almost 
sociable, and perhaps abandon it to their fellows. If, now, these 
brutes had reached a high state of civilization, and united into a 
society giving to some few of them, under the name of property- 
rights, the whole world now ranged in freedom by all, and com- 
pelling all others to come to them in service or beggary for leave to 
get food and shelter, how like to the institutions of man they would 
have attained. 

No! the doctrine of the struggle for existence — brute doctrine 
though it be — is altogether too merciful to palliate or justify the 
institutions with which man has cursed himself; it is toe honest a 
doctrine. These institutions will instead be found to have cloaked 
themselves under names sacred and revered by man, such as "lib- 
erty/' "rights of property," and the like, and not to have paraded 
openly In their true colors under any doctrine however brutal, else 
would mankind have long ago risen in revolt and made short work 
of them. 

It is not in the working of natural law, but in the operation of 
artificial and unjust conditions that we find the mainspring of the 
misery of man throughout the civilized world. 

It is not to any lack of wealth in the world, but, instead, to man's 
institutions which have made this distribution of it, and have given 
to the few so much, that we must look If we would know why the 
many have so little. 

The author points out the signs of profound discontent everywhere 
manifested. In our country the violent oscillations of the political 
pendulum, no less than the desperate struggles of organized labor, are 
suggestive signs of the times. He shows that a political readjust- 
ment must speedily supervene, else will political as well as industrial 
freedom soon be a thing of the past. 

Industrial slavery cannot long coexist with political freedom. 
Either the spirits of men will be crushed, as under the tyrannies of 
ancient times, and they will become unfit to remain free even in 
name, or they will resent the yoke of oppression, whatever its form, 
and demand with their ballot that they shall be free, not only in 
name, but also in fact. 

The progress of revolutionary ideas is necessarily slow in gaining 
popular acceptance, especially among phlegmatic people. The atten- 



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142 THE ARENA. 

tlon must be gained, the reason successfully appealed to, and tha 
people must also be made to see that their interest will be better 
conserved by the change. Old prejudices have to be overcome, and 
the influence of opinion-forming organs, which are always largely 
wedded to conventionalism, have to be neutralized. Frequently the 
most beneficial reforms are retarded by a false and vicious conserva- 
tism which turns alarmist whenever a progressive step is proposed 
for society. Yet the history of the world's great reformative meas- 
ures shows that when evil conditions have reached such a point that 
a noble discontent is everywhere visible, the light of a better day 
dawns and increases until the darkness which enslaved the brain 
and lent wings to fear disappears. 

In order to intelligently appreciate the subject, it will be necessary 
to notice somewhat at length: (1) The condition of society to-day. 
<2) How that condition has been produced. (3) Whether the pro- 
ducing causes admit of remedy. (4) The nature of the remedy 
required. (5) The application of the remedy. (6) The effect of the 
remedy. (7) How the revolution is to be accomplished. It is to 
these subjects that the author devotes his succeeding pages, which 
are written in an easy, fluent manner, affording interesting reading 
even to those who read little, and so lucid that the dullest intellect 
and those most unused to philosophical reasoning will find no diffi- 
culty in following the author in his comprehensive survey of condi- 
tions, his searching analysis of popular fallacies, his concise por- 
trayal of major producing factors in present evil social conditions, 
and his statesmanlike discussion of fundamental reforms which alone 
can secure equality of opportunity or establish just conditions which 
can reasonably meet the requirements of society to-day. 

Frequently the employer is placed in as trying a condition as the 
employed, both being virtually slaves to a few who have acquired 
great landed interests or other form of wealth. The real masters of 
both employers and employed are the owners of the world's soil and 
its wealth. 

These owners fix the terms not only for the toilers, but for that of 
their employers also, and rob from both. The dependence of labor 
does not mean accepting the wages of another; if a man have the 
choice whether to do so or not, he may accept them and still be free. 
It is the denial of this choice to both employer and employed — the 
conditions which give all the footholds and means of life to the few, 
and enable these to say to dispossessed labor, "This world is ours, 
and whether ye toil for day's wages or otherwise, ye can have no 
right to labor, or place or means upon which to labor, except by our 
leave and upon our terms"— that constitutes the dependence of labor. 
It is this dependence that makes toil so grinding and existence so 
precarious, and that makes labor debt-ridden in spite of all its hard- 
ships. Were it not for the fact that the debtor is allowed his legal 
exemptions, and that our laws no longer tolerate imprisonment for 
debt, at least three-fourths of the race would be even now at the 
absolute mercy of their creditors. 



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% BOOKS OF THE DAY. 143 

The Condition of the Wage-earner To-day. 
While it is true that the theory of the survival of the fittest when 
applied to man is fundamentally false as well as inhuman, it is true 
that owing to unjust conditions, which flow from special privileges, 
a few are enjoying the fruits of the industry of the millions with the 
appalling result that the masses to-day are forced into a fierce and 
pitiless struggle for existence which is at once essentially debasing 
to the moral nature, enervating to the intellectual faculties, and 
destructive to free government and enduring progress. 

Whether we take the wage-worker, the farmer, the mechanic, or 
business man, the position of each, and his existence even, are secured 
only by a fierce and competitive struggle. Not only is that struggle 
Intense, but it is also precarious, as seen in the condition of the wage- 
laborer when he loses employment, of the farmer when, unable to 
hold his farm, he loses it under mortgage, or of the mechanic and 
merchant who fail in business and are ruined. 

Very impressive is the extended notice of the dependent condition 
of the wealth-producers of the world and the bitter struggle, the 
forlorn battle, which they are waging for the right to earn a little 
more than a bare livelihood. The toiler looks out upon a bountiful 
world, but 

knows full well that of all this wealth he has no right to so much 
as a crust of bread to keep from starving, except he earn it by his 
labor. Nor even to labor has he any right, except by the consent of 
the owners of this wealth; for upon the soil or its fruits ail labor 
must be exerted; he must have the use of these, and of machinery 
and tools, and must enter the employ of these owners, who are thus 
his masters. 

Inventions which should have Blessed Humanity are made a Curse to the 

Millions. 

The growth of labor-saving machinery, which should have proved 
an unalloyed blessing to the race by reducing the time required for 
manual labor and giving to the children of men ample time for culti- 
vation of brain and soul and for wholesome recreation, has proved a 
curse rather than a blessing to the toiling millions, putting them ever 
and ever more completely in the power of the few who are in reality 
the masters of the millions. 

The servant machinery makes the servant man superfluous. That 
such is the effect of machinery is self-evident, from its labor-saving, 
labor-dispensing power. That labor shares no part of the gain is 
certain: and why should it? itself a mere commodity, it has no part 
in the material, the machine, or the product; it sells its services when 
It can, and receives its pay, and that is the end so far as it is con- 
cerned. That labor, however, loses its employment is no less certain; 
for if capital have a new servant that cheaply can do so much, what 
folly it would be to employ the old! let capital now give employment 
to all the labor that offers itself, and the world's markets are at once 
glutted. Hence labor is tramping the country vainly for work, and 
-daily losing employment, because no longer required. 

The condition of the farmer boy is scarcely less pitiable; and 
Another startling fact which is well worthy of notice, is that with 



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144 THE ARENA. 

each recurring panic or financial crisis, those engaged in other line* 
of industry and in business are being carried with irresistible force 
toward the condition of the mechanic and the farmer. 

We are, it is said, a nation of debtors; and preeminently is this- 
true of the business men of the country. Scarce one in a hundred 
but is doing business on credit, purchasing on credit, selling on credit. 
It is impossible for any of them at any time to Bay what they are- 
worth. When collections are good and they are able to pay their 
bills; they seem to succeed; but in adverse times, when their debtors 
cannot pay, they are brought face to face with the fact that ruin ever 
impends. Many of them fail with almost each recurring crisis, only 
to agafn attempt rising to their feet; others, by the most desperate- 
exertions, are barely able to maintain their credit; few, indeed, rise 
into the ranks of wealth and Independence. For one that really suc- 
ceeds, there are, in all the walks of toll and honest industry, 
hundreds who fail. 

The Privileged Classes. 

In a chapter dealing with the privileged classes Mr. Gall turns the 
searchlight upon the dark places of our political and economic 
system, and reveals root causes of want in a clear, incisive manner,, 
which will prove anything but pleasing to the barnacles of society. 
If there is anything which an arrogant plutocracy fears, it is a com- 
plete unmasking of the real causes which are forcing millions to lives 
of hopeless drudgery in a land of marvellous wealth, when under Just 
conditions every man and woman who chose to work might soon 
become the owner of a home, and gain a position where age would 
not have terrors from possible want, and where the children who 
came into the home would be properly educated, and would also be 
able to enter active life with a more pleasing prospect before them 
than hopeless servitude and perhaps a homeless old age. When the 
truth that the misery which tens of thousands of industrious people 
suffer and the ever-present dread which haunts millions of lives are 
due to monstrous crimes which are entrenched behind partial and 
cruel paternalistic Zau?#,and the refusal on the part of society to accept 
the great basic truth that the earth belongs to the people, and not to a 
few people; when the slow-thinking masses who for so many weary 
ages have allowed themselves to be hoodwinked by the tools of the 
privileged classes, awaken" to the truth that by uniting at the ballot 
they can change the current of affaire, and in so changing may bring 
about, not nihilism or ruin, but a bloodless and glorious revolution 
which shall help humanity upward as well as onward, and radiate 
the sunshine of happiness over a heart-heavy world — then will dawn 
the hour of Humanity's most splendid triumph; the hour which shall 
entitle man to be called a rational being. 

To-day, while the toilers of the world are engaged in a desperate 
struggle for "a precarious subsistence, they see around them the 
lavish wealth and idle splendor of the rich"; a spectacle which alone, 
if they would but stop and think, would effectively set at naught all 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 145 

the fine-spun fallacies and explanations of the minions of plutocracy. 
They would also perceive that while 44 their own desperate exertions 
furnish them only a scanty living," the favored classes are "vying 
with each other in a mad race to spend their hoards for vulgar dis- 
play and for every luxury and indulgence known to man," while, 
furthermore, their fortunes, despite their reckless waste of unearned 
wealth, "are growing from year to year. No comparison can be made 
between the condition of the poor and that of the millionaire; imagi- 
nation can scarce bridge over the distance between themu. Yet in 
this new world the millionaire is of recent origin." 

When it is considered that less than thirty thousand men already 
own half the entire wealth of this country of some sixty million 
inhabitants, and that the number and wealth of the enormously 
rich is fast increasing, the poverty of the masses may be accounted 
for. The poor and the rich live in the same world; and, however 
enormous may be the possessions of the one, or meagre the scant 
earnings of the other, these are alike drawn from the same fund; 
labor exerted upon the soil or upon the products of the soil is the 
source of all wealth. If, then, the few have such disproportionate 
share, there must be little left for the many. Just in proportion as 
the rich grow relatively richer must the poor grow relatively poorer. 
When we see the millionaire heaping up his hundreds of millions in 
the course of a single lifetime, we may and must expect to see labor 
getting less than its share, and poverty increasing; and this is borne 
out by the actual facts: in large centres where millionaires most 
abound, the squalor and poverty of the poor is most general and most 
extreme. This is, indeed, but the law of simple arithmetic: one-half 
the nation's wealth or labor's gains, being given to thirty thousand 
men, there remains but one-half to divide among the sixty million 
others. It is also the law of organic life: if the vitality be absorbed 
to plethora by one part of the body, all other parts must be enfeebled 
thereby. 

It is not, then, because the world is too small or too niggard, it is 
not because nature refuses to yield to man's labor enough wealth for 
all his needs, that the many poor are living in misery and dying of 
want. 

Mr. Call clearly establishes the important fact that "The oppressed 
condition of labor is not due to any pressure of population upon 
subsistence; the world is large enough, but is appropriated and with- 
held from use." Yet even under such manifestly unjust conditions, 
when so little of the appropriated earth is actively employed, wealth 
is created in abundance, but the distribution of this wealth malees the 
millionaire and the proletariat. He next emphasizes the fact that 
"The rich are exempt from any struggle for existence like that of the 
poor man," and that it is by exemption from that struggle and 
through enjoyment of privileges that the colossal fortunes are 
acquired. 

Plutocracy the Product of Privilege. 

He observes that a great number of the great fortunes descend to 
their owners by inheritance. 

These inherited fortunes grow without effort or exertion of the 
owners, by interest, by rent, and by profits upon capital. The many 



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146 THE ARENA. 

who are disinherited must have the use of this wealth, and they have 
no recourse but to go to these owners for that privilege; their neces- 
sity compels them to pay the price asked, whether this be interest 
for the use of money, rent for the use of lands, or selling their labor 
at such prices as to yield capital the great profits of industry. Can 
it be wondered at, then, that the owners of the world's wealth, to 
whom it is parcelled out by laws of inheritance, continue to grow 
richer, standing as they do at the very threshold of life and dictating 
to the world of labor the terms upon which it shall live? Thus it is 
that these inherited fortunes grow from age to age, and will con- 
tinue to do so, until, by the inexorable logic of the present system, 
the world becomes altogether, as it even now almost is, the world of 
the rich. Inheritance is thus a privilege, in that those who take under 
it do so without engaging in any struggle for existence, or even for 
their hoards, which are vastly in. excess of the amount required for 
their subsistence. It is, furthermore, a privilege, in that the fortunes 
so acquired grow of their own accord, without struggle or exertion 
on the part of the owners, by the mastery which the monopoly of the 
world gives. 

Many more of these fortunes are acquired by tlie monopoly of 
land. The poor who invest in the mere equities of land during 
seasons of speculation, or who endeavor to own their homes under 
mortgage, may conclude, when they lose these by foreclosure, that 
land ownership is not desirable; and the conclusion of both may be 
true when they are compelled to pay interest at present rates upon 
the mortgages. Yet the fact remains that the real landlord class — 
not they who hold a mere equity, but they who own the land Itself 
or the mortgage upon incumbered land — although they perform no 
labor or service upon it, nevertheless grow rich; to them, whether 
in rent or in interest, comes the wealth acquired by the monopoly 
of land. 

Whether the land thus monopolized be withheld from use for mere 
purposes of speculation, or rent be charged for its use, in either case 
the owner of the soil need perform no service upon it; he can sit by 
in idleness while his hoards grow; the land increases in value with 
the growth of the community, and rents or interest are paid because 
of its necessity to the community. Seasons of speculation which lure 
the laboring classes into purchasing lands, succeeded by periods of 
crises which compel them to relinquish it; but add to the gains of the 
real landlord class, who emerge out of each crisis richer than before. 
There is no loss as a whole; the losses of the land-poor but mean the 
gains of the land-rich; a mere transfer of wealth has taken place. 

The landlord is exempted from labor, by the privilege which the owner- 
ship of land gives him to appropriate and turn into his coffers the labor 
of others. 

The monopoly of land carries with it monopoly in mines. Thus the 
Rockefellers andFlaglers have been able to acquire millions of wealth 
from obtaining a monopoly in one of Nature's great treasures which 
should have been enjoyed as the land by the whole people, or subject 
to rental value. 

A third source from which the privileged class reap millions is 
found In monopoly in money. Thus in the republic to-day we have 
a spectacle which might well excite the amazement of a true repub- 
lican who believes in a democracy in fact rather than a plutocracy 
labelled democracy. Here we find that 



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BOOKS OF THE DAT. 147 

The government issues the money and charges the bank from one- 
fourth to one-half of one* per cent interest for its use; the bank, in 
turn, charges the public rates varying from six to twelve per cent, 
and even upwards; practically, the whole interest charged is thus 
its profits for the mere distribution of the money. The bank also 
receives individual deposits, paying no interest thereon; these it 
lends at the same rates as before, the whole charge again constitut- 
ing its profits. As almost the entire money circulation of the country 
passes through the banks, it is not strange that with such exorbitant 
profits their fortunes should be both large and numerous. 

The fortune of the banker/is not, any more than those acquired 
through inheritance or the monopoly of land, accumulated by a 
struggle like that of the toiling poor. Money is a public necessity, 
and every laborer and all industry must have its use; trade or 
exchange, which means so much to industrial society, is impossible 
without money. The banks which are intrusted with its distribution 
take advantage of this necessity. 

A fourth source of colossal fortunes is found in Monopoly in 
Transportation. 

That large fortunes are acquired by this means every one knows, 
yet so complex are these interests that the exact manner in which 
these fortunes are acquired is not always known; there is a growing 
feeling, however, that it is at the expense of society, and the private 
control of railroads is therefore looked upon with Increasing distrust. 

This plunder first begins in the building of the roads. They are 
regarded as public interests, and large public aids are given by land 
grants and the voting of bonds to encourage and assist in their build- 
big; yet, notwithstanding this assistance, the roads when built are 
often mortgaged far in excess of their actual cost, the public aids, 
together with the surplus realized from the mortgages above the cost 
of the roads, going to swell the fortunes of the builders. Stock is 
then issued upon the road, much as if a farmer who had mortgaged 
a five-thousand-dollar farm for ten thousand dollars should attempt 
to dispose of his equity. But the public are not acquainted with the 
cost of railroads, and these seem to the ordinary imagination the 
embodiment of wealth; the stock is, therefore, purchased by in- 
vestors all over the country, and the price received for such invest- 
ment adds still further to the fortunes of the manipulators. 

The road is then launched into operation with a debt-burden far in 
excess of what it cost to build. The public are charged exorbitant 
rates for the maintaining of this debt-burden and the paying of divi- 
dends to stockholders; labor is paid the lowest wages for the same 
reason, and is also turned out of employment when business is light, 
it being well known that applicants will be plentiful enough when 
again needed. Yet, notwithstanding these exorbitant charges to the 
public, and this oppression of labor, the debt-burden of the road — 
bond and stock — cannot be supported; dividends fall behind and 
interest on bonds is not paid. Here, however, is another great source 
of profit to the shrewd manipulators, whose power of combination 
has already done so much for them. The stockholders take fright 
and sell their stock at any price, and these buy it in. Or if the stock 
is not worth buying, by reason of the large bonded indebtedness, then 
the road is foreclosed, and these shrewd heads get it for less than it 
is worth, effectually defeating the claims of stockholders and other 
creditors of the road. 

It is by these means — in the building, the operation and the wreck- 
ing of roads — that in the space of a short lifetime the great railroad 



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148 THE ARENA. 

magnates can heap up their hundreds of millions. The railroad, 
telegraph, and kindred interests, by their nature offer peculiar facili- 
ties for such appropriation; so long as they are committed to private 
control, their very complexity permits manipulation which, in simpler 
affairs, would at once be seen through and resented. Their necessity 
to communities compels these to contribute unduly toward the build- 
ing, and their nature as a monopoly compels the public to pay rates 
fixed by no competition, but alone by the appetite for plunder of their 
manipulators; their extensiveness, too, prevents all competition 
between them as employers of labor, and compels labor to contribute 
more than its share toward this plunder. 

Another fountain-head of gigantic fortunes is found to be monop- 
oly of commodities; millions are reaped through systematic plundering 
of the markets by speculators and trusts. The trust is as yet in 
its infancy, and "though only just beginning to exult in its newly 
learned power, it already controls many of the staples of life." 

Society must have sugar, salt, and oil, and other like commodities 
at whatever price: and when the trust has secured entire control, it ~ 
cannot, of course, get these elsewhere; to the trust it must come. 
There is thus no limit to what the trust may and will charge. These 
giant corporations, already capitalized into almost the billions, cor- 
rupting legislatures and senates, are piling up untold wealth from 
the plunder of all society, until by their grip around the sources of 
life they must throttle it 

Sheltered as they are under alleged freedom of competition and 
contract, their position toward industrial society is none other, or 
different, than that of the pirate of the high seas toward the honest 
merchantman he plunders; and the complexity of industrial society 
make s it as dangerous to license their occupation, as it would be to 
llcent ? piracy itself. The mere permission to pursue their nefarious 
business unwhlpt of justice, is a privilege from honest toil, and to 
prey upon the labor and necessities and lives of society. 

Many of these fortunes have, as we have seen, been acquired with 
the assistance of the corporation. The transportation and banking 
systems are altogether too complex in their nature for individual 
enterprise, and, as society does not think it safe to manage its own 
concerns, there remains nothing for it to do but to create corporations 
and give these concerns into their keeping. These corporations are 
called quasi-public; public because the business entrusted to them 
affects vitally the whole of society, and private because it is con- 
ducted wholly for private gain. But it is not only these concerns 
that have been entrusted in this manner to private corporate control. 
Does a city or any municipal corporation need street-car or telephone 
facilities, or water, or gas supply, it is not thought fit for Itself to 
provide these, as giving it too much and paternal power; but 
straightway a franchise is granted to a corporation, and property 
condemned therefor, and even public aid extended, as we have 
already seen it done in the building of railroads; the business is, 
however, conducted wholly for the gain of the private corporation. 
It is not strange, where these corporations thus control concerns 
necessary and vital to the whole community, and where their fran- 
chise gives absolute monopoly, thus placing the public at their mercy, 
that they should amass enormous wealth. 

Cardinal Sources of the Great Fortunes of To-day. 
It will be seen then that a vast majority of the great fortunes found 
to-day are not due to the patient industry or Intellectual capacity of 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 149 

man, but rather spring from "privileges" which are enjoyed or 
acquired through (1) inheritance; (2) monopoly in land; (3) monopoly 
in money; (4) monopoly in transportation; (5) monopoly in com- 
modities, or corporate control of industry. 

There may be large fortunes not so accumulated, and these may, 
in some instances, be acquired honestly i*» legitimate enterprise and 
competition, or they may, more likely, be the result of privilege and 
vicious legislation. It is not claimed that the privileges here named 
include all evils of law which need correction; others exist and will 
grow up, and it is the glory of government, as of intelligent man, to 
rid itself of these as they arise. But the privileges here mentioned 
are the most grievous, those most generally recognized, and the ones 
that account for by far the larger part of the enormous fortunes 
which concentrate the world's possessions in the hands of the few, 
and thereby deprive society of their use and oppress it by their 
power. 

Privilege the Creator of Capital. 
In a chapter on "The Fruits of Privilege,*' the legitimate working 
of the injustice due to privilege is forced home in a manner at once 
startling and unanswerable. The farmer, the wage-laborer, and 
those actively engaged in productive work become the victims of the 
few who hold the earth, the tools of production, the medium of 
exchange, and the facilities of transportation. 

Not only do these privileges thus oppress labor in all its forms, but 
in another sense, and as deeply, they affect every member of society 
as a consumer. The wages or profits of all productive labor are 
determined by two conditions: First, the actual money wages or 
returns received; and secondly, the cost of living. The object of the 
whole struggle of the masses is for subsistence— for existence; when 
the farmer receives so many cents per bushel or per pound for his 
products, when the manufacturer so much for his goods, the business 
man so many cents or dollars profits upon his sales, or when the 
laborer receives his day's wage, the paramount consideration with 
each is how much of the necessaries or comforts of life this money 
will procure. Now these privileges, while they reduce the actual 
money reward of productive labor, also, in turn, increase the price 
of all articles of use to consumers; production alone is not able to 
bear their burden. Sometimes the burden is greater upon produc- 
tion, sometimes upon consumption; but the candle of living is bur tit 
at both ends. The debt-burden entailed upon production by inherit- 
ance, its increase by land monopoly, and the interest upon it due to 
the banking system, compels production of all kinds to raise the price 
of its products to support these; it must shift some of these burdens 
upon the consumer, else It cannot even struggle under their weight. 
So, too, while exorbitant transportation charges and the plunder of 
markets reduce the price received by the purchaser, they also enhance 
the price charged the consumer. 

In order to fully understand how greatly and vexatiously prices are 
affected by these privileges, we must follow the history of each 
article of consumption and see at how many points and from how 
many directions even the simplest of these is made to contribute to 
their extortions. Take the coat on the farmer's or laborer's back; 
the price of the wool is made higher by the load of debt the grower 
must incur for the use of wealth in the raising of sheep, the price or 



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150 THE ARENA. 

rent of land, the interest charged upon his debt, taxation levied to 
build railroads, the exorbitant rates demanded by these for carrying 
the wool to the manufacturer, and the plunder by speculators or 
trusts on its way. The manufacturer, too, must add to the price of 
the cloth in order to support the debt he must incur in its manufac- 
ture, together with the interest upon that debt, the rent or price of 
land upon which his factory is situated, exorbitant transportation 
charged for the bringlug of the wool to his factory, and the plunder 
of speculators and trusts. This same process of addition must be 
continued by the clothing manufacturer, the jobber, the wholesale 
merchant and the retail dealer, as the cloth or the finished product 
passes in turn into the hands of each on its way to the consumer; 
and the greater the plunder or privilege, the more exorbitant must 
be the prices charged at each step. The final price paid by the con- 
sumer is thus out of all proportion to what it should or would be, 
were industry not in this manner, at every step, the prey of privilege. 
Trace any article of food, or clothing, or other use, through its 
passage from the raw to the final consumable shape, the result will 
be the same; and it can at once be seen how wide is the field of 
operation, how fruitful is the field of plunder for privilege. 

Can we, then, wonder why labor fails to procure subsistence, or 
why vast fortunes are mysteriously accumulated in the midst of 
growing poverty? Privilege stands over all production and robs 
labor of its money reward; it stands, too, o\er consumption, and by 
increasing the cost of living, lessens the value of labor's earnings 
in procuring subsistence. Thus, and by this means it amasses Its 
fortunes, while labor, with all its grind, is a beggar in the marts of 
life. The millionaire does not create, but appropriates his millions 
of wealth. It is, Indeed, utterly impossible that any man's services 
to society, except he be a genius of the rarest order, should procure 
him a million dollars in a lifetime; much less, then, should the ser- 
vice of those whose sole object is private gain, entitle them to their 
hundreds of millions. But when these privileges mean to society the 
ruin of industry and business, the loss of farms and homes under 
mortgage, and the pauperism of labor, surely the struggling and 
despoiled masses may be excused for Inquiring whether these con- 
ditions be necessary and just. 

These conditions constitute the tyranny of capital, so much com- 
plained of, and before which labor stands shivering and sullen, in 
dread and in revolt. Privilege is the creator of capital: it takes 
the wealth of the world from the body of society where it properly 
belongs, and concentrates this wealth in the hands of the few, depriv- 
ing labor of its use, thus setting capital aud labor in opposing camps, 
at war with each other — at war in a contest necessarily, inevitably 
unequal. Capital owns the world, its machinery, and its material: 
labor, too, it owns, for it owns the means of labor and of life. And 
the cry of labor everywhere is that this mastery is too absolute, too 
oppressive, in that it is a power over life and death, dealing death 
more and more, as capital, selfish and secure, has found a new and 
more profitable servant In machinery* and can therefore dispense 
with the commodity, labor, now everywhere tramping and begging 
for charity, for life. 

Our author next considers "The Plea of Privilege." This chapter 
challenges the attention of all thoughtful people who set truth and 
Justice above prejudice. It very effectively destroys the cardhouse 
of the apologists for plutocracy, and will probably call down upon 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 151 

the author a torrent of violent invectives and insulting epithets, 
as this method is usually employed by the sophists of capitalism 
when the fallacy of their more or less ingenious theories is merci- 
lessly exposed. 

Equally important is the scholarly chapter on "The Law of 
Freedom/* in which Mr. Call proves the inconsistency of our social 
theories and conditions. 

Indeed we are absolutely without any consistent political doctrines. 
Theory is opposed to practice, and theory to theory. Confusion and 
antagonism exist upon every political question — so much so, that 
it is no exaggeration to say that politics as well as society is in a 
profoundly anarchical condition. 

The chapters dealing with the "Signs of the Times," "The Struggle 
for Existence," "The Fruits of Privilege," "The Plea of Privilege," 
and "The Law of Freedom," form the groundwork of this work, after 
which the author devotes a chapter to a calm, clear, and able discus- 
sion of each of the great feeders of plutocracy, viz., "The Institution 
of Inheritance," "The Monopoly of Land," "The Banking System," 
•The Transportation System," "The Plunder of Trade," and "The 
Corporate Abuse." I will not attempt to summarize or outline these 
chapters. They are so strong, clear, and convincing that could they 
be read by the industrial millions of America, I believe the doom of 
industrial slavery would be assured and that at an early day. 
The New Republic. 

Following these thoughtful discussions appears a chapter entitled 
"The New Republic," in which are discussed the conditions which 
would prevail if an equality of opportunity was present 

When the world sliall be the property of man, and man no longer the 
subject and servant of property, then will man be at last free, and a new 
republic will have been ushered in. 

This new republic, great and sweeping as must be its benefits, will 
yet be founded on no other or different principle than that upon which 
our liberties even now rest It does not, like nihilism, demand the 
destruction of all institutions, for it holds that government is neces- 
sary to establish and determine the relations of men in society, pro- 
tect their respective rights, and as a servant to perform services pub- 
lic In their nature. It does not, like military socialism, demand the 
entire revolution of existing institutions, because it holds these to be 
a growth as the race itself is, and suited to the ideas and needs of 
men. Nor does it, on the other hand, like so-called individualism, re- 
duce government to a mere police power, for it recognizes government 
as the whole people acting through their laws, and that the people 
themselves must first determine their rights before these can be pro- 
tected. It holds, too, that these rights must be redetermined with 
every change of conditions that affect them, and with every advance 
of society to newer and more just standards of conduct. It holds, 
furthermore, that where (as in present industrial society) the rights 
of men so require government should be a servant and the people as 
a whole perform functions affecting the whole people. 

This New Republic, based upon the principle of self-government, 
builds upon that principle the completed structure to establish which 



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152 THE ABENA. 

that principle has alone ever been contended for. Nor is this struct- 
ure to be once definitely planned and there remain. It must accom- 
modate society in every condition Its progress and environment from 
time to time require. It is elastic, and extensive, and never to be 
outgrown, because ever to be changed, even as the practical rules of 
individual conduct, by the conditions of life and development All 
that we can say is that justice now requires, from all the circum- 
stances of existing society, that the privileges here named, which 
give advantage and produce inequality, be abolished. There may 
be other privileges arise, there may even now be other adjustments 
required. But this much, at least, must now be achieved if society 
would rise from out the conditions into which it is sunk. And this 
much will establish a republic whose object will be to secure human 
rights and further the advance of human progress. 

The volume closes with a succinct review of the issues involved 
and a brief discussion of how the problems can be solved, peaceably 
and speedily, along the line of justice and freedom. In this chapter 
Mr. Call observes: 

As long as a man submits to institutions which beggar and en- 
slave him, his supplications and his protests will alike go up to deaf 
ears, while power and privilege will, as they have ever done, lord It 
over him. Any attempt to better his condition or obtain his rights 
will be a struggle and revolt against law, and all society will be 
organized against him. The strong arm of the law, it is, that every- 
where crushes out all attempts of labor and poverty to obtain their 
own. If we would expect any real or lasting relief, the law must be 
ranged on the side of labor and not against it; the poor of society 
must have the benefit of our Institutions and not be placed without 
the pale of their protection. The remedy must be political; nothing 
short of this will work any permanent or substantial benefit. 

There is what the moralists call "a noble discontent," which, not 
satisfied with wrong, ever struggles toward higher and better ideals. 
This spirit it is that gave Greece her glory and Rome her grandeur, 
and this spirit it is that now centres the hopes of the world upon the 
Anglo-Saxon race. The absence of that spirit it is that constitutes 
the dark fatalism of the East, where men regard themselves as the 
prey of fate, their condition as irremediable and their lot but to 
endure; the absence of that spirit it is that has blotted Asia and 
Eastern Europe, once the home of civilization, from the pages of 
progress, and made the names of once glorious nations forgotten 
memories. 

It is not agitation but passive endurance that is to be feared. But 
this we have little need now to fear. It is in the nature of political 
agitation once fairly begun to go on. That they who have once sin- 
cerely espoused this new religion of humanity should abandon it, is 
not to be supposed; rather say that the ranks of. the sincere will be 
recruited, and that adversity will, as it has always done, but 
strengthen the onward sweep of reform. Never was there a more 
opportune time than the present; every condition, every Indication 
points to the beginning of the twentieth century as the opening of a 
new era in human affairs and hopes. The condition of society com- 
pels it; the great popular uprising— the upheaval which now rocks so- 
ciety to its base— has prepared the way for it; and the march of mind, 
which has already enabled man to subdue nature to his bidding, 
now promises by the same process to enable him to subdue himself 
to the laws of the moral world. The last and greatest science, that 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY, 158 

of society, is but an easy and natural transition from all the other 
sciences which have gradually and successively rooted themselves 
In law. 

This work ought to become the handbook of the industrial mil- 
lions in their struggle for their fundamental rights based on Justice; 
it makes the issues so plain that the dullest intellect can grasp them; 
and when once grasped, the wealth-producers are not likely to forget 
the real issues involved, for they carry with them Justice for the 
-wage-workers, happiness and prosperity not for the industrial mil- 
lions alone, but for all high-born souls. Earnest men and women 
should read and circulate this book in every community throughout 
the republic. It is a trumpet call to free men, and its appearance at 
the present crisis in the industrial, economic, and political history of 
the republic is most fortunate; for in spite of the sneers and scoffing 
of the Benedict Arnolds of this land, there are thoughtful people who 
are not bound by prejudice and who are able to rise above the 
sophistry daily instilled into their minds by the organs of capitalistic 
anarchism. We are to-day engaged in a struggle with the usurer 
class of Europe far more momentous to humanity and civilization 
than was the glorious struggle of the Revolution, and I may add also, 
far more dangerous, because it Is the serpent instead of the lion 
with which we have to contend. B. O. FLOWEE. 

SONG BLOSSOMS* - TWO REVIEWS. 
I. 

A gifted young woman of New England, while suffering from a 
tedious and painful illness which necessitated her remaining in a 
darkened room, composed the following touching heart prayer which 
is found in an exquisite little volume just issued under the title of 
"Song Blossoms": 

Invalided. 
Thy pity, Lord, for those who lie 
With folded hands and weary eye 
And watch their years go fruitless by, 
Yet know not why! 

Who long, with spirit valiant still, 
>. To work with earnest hand and will, — ■ 

Whose souls for action strive and thrill, 
Yet must be still! 

Who smell in dreams the clover sweet, 
And crush the wild fern 'neath their feet, 
And seek each well-loved haunt and seat, — 
Each old retreat; 

And mark again the birds' quick flight, 
The river glancing in the light, 
The blue hills melting from the sight, 
The starry night, 

♦••Song Blossoms," by Julia Anna Wolcott. Pp. 262; price, extra cloth, $1.25. 
The Arena Publishing Co., Boston, Mass. 



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154 THE ARENA. 

The fields aglow with sun and bloom, 
The cloudless sky, the leafy gloom; 
Then wake to low and darkened room, 
Their world, a tomb! 

Dear Lord, forgive! if, as they lie, 
And sadly watch their lives drift by, 
Pain-torn, in anguish sore, they cry, 
"I would know why! " 

The religious fervor, the sincerity and intensity of conviction 
which characterize the above lines, pervade all of Miss Wolcott's 
poems which deal with the soul life, and this will render the division 
of this work entitled "In the Sanctuary" very precious to those who 
feel the presence of the Divine Life, and who believe in the inner 
voice. It must not be supposed, however, that this is a volume of 
solemn lines, for few works of similar size betray greater versatility 
within a limited range. Let me explain. The author possesses a 
true poetic insight which gives value to her creations. She, however, 
is not ambitious, and confines her muse to the "simple, heartfelt 
lays" which have ever been most dear to the people. The very title 
of the work is peculiarly happy In that it aptly describes the relative 
character of the poems in the world of poetry. What the ballad is 
to the grand opera, the conceptions of this author are to the more 
pretentious poetry of our master minds. Here the range of Miss 
Wolcotfs poetry is circumscribed, but within that range we find a 
variety of subjects deftly handled and reflecting varying moods. 
Thus in striking contrast to the lines quoted above, we have this 
humorous conceit: 

The Usurer's Reply. 

Herr Blumenthal — a Jew who dwelt 
Beside the pleasant Rhine, 

Whose waters lave the feet of hills 
Crowned by the fruitful vine — 

With wealth possessed, and rightful gain. 

Could never be content; 
So rented out his store of gold 

At nine, not six, per cent. 

"Herr Blumenthal," said one, "although 

You do our Christ deny, 
You cannot for a moment doubt 

There is a God on high, — 

"A God who sees all things you do, 

Down looking from above; 
And can He bless a usurer, 

This God of right and love? " 

The Jew on parchment by his side, 

A bony finger laid. 
And muttered, half beneath his breath, 

"Olt Isaac 1st not vraidt. 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY, 155 

"Mine Got vill never know dot I 

Vor moneys sharge too tear; 
Vor, yen he look from Hi mm el high, 

Down on dese vigures here" 

(And craftier smile ne'er lit the face 

Of Jew beside the Rhine), 
"Dis vill to him appear a 6, 

Dot to our eyes 1st 9." 

Those who fancy that they fulfil all requirements by observing 
outward form and ritual, while they ignore the spirit of true religion 
and the cultivation of pure, high, and uplifting thoughts, are essen- 
tially in the position of the usurer; they fancy they are cheating 
nature and destiny, while in reality they are only deceiving them- 
selves and the shallow conventionalism which punctiliously demands 
that the outside of the sepulchre be immaculate, but which pays no 
heed to the death-dealing fetor which emanates from the corrupting 
contents of the tomb. The usurer of the Rhine is by no means alone 
in his self-deception. 

A strong moral purpose underlies most of Miss Wolcott's poems; 
a wholesome lesson is subtly impressed without any apparent inten- 
tion on the part of the author to preach a sermon; and such teaching 
is often the most effective, as it takes the reader off guard. Some- 
times, however, the poet becomes the teacher, as in these delicate 
lines: 

" <To Woman Who Toiteth. 

Place a spray in. thy belt, or a rose on thy stand 
When thou settest thyself to a commonplace seam; 

Its beauty will brighten the work in thy hand, 
Its fragrance will sweeten each dream. 

When life's petty details most burdensome seem, 
Take a book — it may give thee the peace thou hast sought — 

And turn its leaves o'er, till thou catchest the gleam 
Of some gem from the deep mine of thought 

When the task thou performest is irksome and long, 

Or thy brain is perplexed by a doubt or a fear, 
Fling open the window, and let in the song 

God hath taught to the birds for thy cheer. 

And lean from the casement a moment, and rest, 
While the winds cool thy cheek, glance thou up at the sky, 

Where the cloud-ships are sailing, like argosies blest, 
Bright-winged and with majesty by. 

Then steal a fair picture of mountain or glen — 
A smooth-gliding streamlet, through green meadows sweet; 

Or, if thy lot's cast midst the dwellings of men, 
Of some radiant face in the street 



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156 THE ARENA. 

Then carry it back to thy work, and perchance 
'Twill remind thee of childhood, or sweetly recall 

Some long faded page of thy youthful romance — 
It may be the dearest of all. 

Oh, a branch of wild-roses the barrcnest ledge 
Maketh fit for a throne; while the blossoming vine 

Will turn to a bower the thorniest hedge; 
So will beauty make stem life divine. 

Here is another charming sermon in song: 

The Broader Field. 

O thou who sighest for a broader field, 
Wherein to sow the seeds of truth and right, — 

Who fain a fuller, nobler power would wield 
O'er human souls that languish for the light, — 

Search well the realm that even now is thine! 

Canst not thou in some far-off corner find 
A heart, sin-bound, like tree with sapping vine, 

Waiting for help its burdens to unbind? — 

Some human plant, perchance beneath thine eyes, 
Pierced through with hidden thorns of idle fears; 

Or drooping low, for need of light from skies 
Obscured by doubt-clouds, raining poison tears? — 

Some bruised soul the balm of love would heal; 

Some timid spirit faith would courage give;* 
Or maimed brother, who, though brave and leal, 

Still needeth thee, to rightly walk and live? 

Oh! while one soul thou flndest, which hath not known 
The fullest help thy soul hath power to give, 

Sigh not for fields still broader than thine own; 
But, steadfast in thine own, more broadly live! 

There is little of the aggressive reformer about Miss Wolcott, If 
we may Judge from her poems. Indeed, in the conceit entitled "Up 
and Down*' she comes perilously near placing herself among the 
dilettante optimists, who would have us close our eyes to the misery 
of the world, as though it was beyond the remedy of man, and go 
through life with eyes upturned, and singing merrily. This spirit is 
not, however, reflected in the majority of the poems, which are 
characterized for the most part by a wholesome optimism, and in 
one place at least our author seems to have caught the expansive 
thought of the present wonderful transition period, else how could 
she sing these fine thoughts of) the new time? 

The Old and the New. 
Dim grow the shores of the Old, 

Fast do they fade from our view; 
With hearts that are buoyant and bold, 

We steer for the realms of the New. 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 157 

Though by chains of outworn thought, 

Whose links are welded strtng 
At the forge where selfishness wrought, 

We were held to the Old too long; 

Though the rocks of prejudice grim 

Frowned dark on either hand, 
And superstition's whim 

Stretched wide its bars of sand; 

We are launched on the sea at last, 

We are leaving the land of the Old; 
By God's help, on its shores we have cast 

Our greed for power and gold. 

In the waters we're sailing o'er, 
The thought of self shall be drowned; 

Like a pearl, on the strand before, 
The love for mankind shall be found. 

Though the hills may still be seen 

Where justice was crucified, 
No tear for the pain that has been 

Shall fall in the billow we ride. 

Though the memories, one and all, 
Of the false and the cruel and weak, 

From our hearts shall swiftly fall, 
Where the nymphs play hide and seek; 

The thoughts of the sweet and the dear, 

The tender, the brave, and the true, 
We will bear in our breasts, while we steer 

From the land of the Old to the New. 

God grant that the holy and strong, 

Now freed from mortality's chain, 
May swift through the ether throng, 

To dwell with us once again, 

With presence that soothes like balm, 

With guidance that ne'er shall fail; 
And when sleeping winds becalm, 

May their white wings fan our sail. 

Dim grow the shores of the Old, 

Fast do they fade from our view; 
With hearts that are loving and bold, 

We steer for the realms of the New. 

Some of Miss Wolcott's best lues deal with nature, and are 
Included in the divisions of the work entitled "Riverside and 
Meadow," "Among the Hills," and "By the Wayside." This volume 
ought to prove popular not merely on account of its poetic merit, its 
quite marked versatility, appealing as it does to lovers of nature, to 
those of a reminiscent turn of mind, to those who enjoy mild l^imor, 



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158 THE ARENA. 

to the serious and religious, and to the young (for they are liberally 
remembered in a division of the work entitled "With the Children"), 
but also because the merit of the volume is matched by the elegance 
of the mechanical execution in the manufacture of the book; bound 
in dainty blue and light-green vellum with cover sprinkled with 
golden flowers, it will appeal to all lovers of artistic excellence in 
book-making. B. O. FLOWER. 

II. 

A noble thought expressed In homely or uncouth language is like 
a diamond in the rough, but clothed in beautiful language it is a 
polished gem. And in no way can pure and lofty ideas be more 
fittingly expressed than through the medium of poetry; for good 
poetry is not only elevating and uplifting in its influence, but It 
carries with it a subtle power which soothes the mind and brain, 
while it bears the soul beyond and above the cares and tolls of every- 
day life. Between the covers of the daintily bound volume entitled 
"Song Blossoms," by Julia Anna Wolcott, we have a collection of 
poems which bear the impress of a pure, sincere, high-minded soul. 
Lovers of poetry and the reading public generally are already 
acquainted with the charm, freshness, and naturalness of Miss 
Wolcott's style through such widely circulated periodicals as the 
ARENA, the Century, and other important magazines. 

This volume contains Miss Wolcott's collected poems. The author 
is evidently a great lover of nature, which she studies with the closely 
observant eye of a Wordsworth, and not the smallest detail in the 
great open book of God's handiwork escapes her notice. She revels 
amid the beauties of the fields, wanders by the purling brook, 
watches the flowers bloom, and listens to the song of the birds; and 
everything, seen by the inner eye of the poet, suggests to the soul 
some Inspiring thought Even the lowliest flower is made to teach 
some helpful lesson or lead the mind upward. Take, for example, the 
little poem on "The Mayweed": 

I am naught but a little mayweed, 

By the dusty road I grow; 
And the people who pass overlook mt 

I am so sma^ll and low. 

But God in His might and glory 

High up in the heavens so blue, 
He sees the little mayweed, 

And gives It both sun and dew. 

So. child, whom the dear Lord's wisdom 

Has placed in a humble cot — 
Toiling in common raiment, 

O'erlooked in your weary lot, — 

Grieve not, though men pass by you! 

God sees you, and knows your load, — 
As He sees the little mayweed, 

That grows by the dusty road. 



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BOOKS OP THB DAY. 159 

In the division entitled "With the Children," how beautifully the 
following verses emphasize the duty of giving of our best to the lives 
around us, and show how much it is in the power of each of us, 
individually, to lend brightness to the whole: 

Lady Rose, Lady Rose, 

In your fragrant furbelows, 
You give the wind sweet messages, 

Whichever way it blows; 
You send them to the stranger, 

You send them to your friend; 
From out your store of treasure, 

To other lives you lend. 

Little Bird, little Bird, 

As you sing upon your bough, 
A hundred hearts are happier 

That you are singing now; 
Though the sun is shining brightly, 

Or is hiding in a cloud, 
You give the world your sweetest songs, 

And sing them brave and loud. 

Merry brook, merry brook, 

As you dance upon your way, 
The rose had not the heart to bloom, 

Were you not here to-day, 
Nor could a thirsty birdling trill 

Its songs so sweet and gay; 
Oh, blessings to you, merry brook, 

As you dance upon your way! 

Frecious girls, precious boys, 

Know you not that you possess — 
More than rose or bird or brook — 

Gifts of cheer and loveliness? 
Thoughts and words and deeds of love, 

Be you always freely giving, 
And the world, with all who know you, 

Will be richer for your living. 

To those who enjoy reading poetry, this little volume, so sweet and 
simple and refreshing, yet abounding in helpful thought, will be very 
welcome. MARGARET CONNOLLY. 

THE STORY OF A CANON.* 
This is certainly one of the most individual and forceful pieces of 
fiction which has appeared even in this decade of extraordinary 
activity and fine performance in the field of fiction. It is by a new 
writer— evidently a woman from certain unmistakable touches of 
insight and style— who signs Beveridge Hill. We do not remember 
to have seen anything from the same pen before, and so suppose that 
"The Story of a Cafion" is the writer's first venture into literature— 

•"The Story of a Cation," by Beyeridge Hill, Price, doth $100, paper 60 cents. 
Arena Publishing Company, Boston, Mass. 



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160 THE ARENA. 

at least in the difficult form of an extended novel. If this is the case 
it certainly speaks volumes for the author's great natural abilities, 
for added to the keen dramatic insight shown in her choice of an 
unhackneyed theme, she exhibits in her work great dramatic quali- 
ties of style and perception, which force the judicious critic to com- 
pare her descriptions of humble life to no less a master than George 
Eliot. This may seem to border upon extravagance to some chary 
and sceptical critics, but this is the strongest impression one receives 
after a careful reading of the story from cover to cover, in recalling 
certain of the most memorable pictures of the silent heroism of the 
struggle for existence in lowly life, and against uncontroll- 
able and adverse circumstances. Perhaps more readers will find 
a parallel to the writer's decided genius in this direction in the 
pictures of New England humble life given us with such fine sim- 
plicity by that mistress of quiet pathos, Miss Mary E. Wilkins. 

"The Story of a Caflon" is a story of life in the mining regions of 
Colorado in the Rocky Mountains. It paints the real intimate 
domestic and daily life of one of these small mining villages nestling 
on the hillside, and called with characteristic American optimism, 
"Hopetown." The story centres around one particular family, the 
Howards, and tells the story and fortunes of a miner and his wife 
and their children. Incidentally, and with rare and subtle skill, the 
author suggests the story of every life in the caflon, and the far- 
reaching effects and injustice of the single gold standard. A great 
many people cannot appreciate the injustice of any remote and 
seemingly abstract question unless they have presented to them a 
concrete case in which injustice has clearly worked. The great 
importance of fiction when it is written by men and women animated 
by the highest ideals of truth and Justice, "art for truth," is that it 
sets people thinking of great social truths and principles which had 
previously been obscure to them in the rush and bustle of everyday 
life, in which their own occupations, trials, struggles, and* hopes 
absorbed most of their thought It is precisely this splendid office 
that "The Story of a Caflon" will perform for a multitude of readers. 
It will give them the human heart and destiny involved in a great 
question which has previously appeared to them to be mere "politics" 
— a very remote and abstract matter, which was needlessly worrying 
a lot of "cranks" out west 

Unfortunately for the world's peace and happiness, although the 
majority of people seldom have their wits about them, or at any 
rate, seldom use them, the newspapers, like the poor, we have always 
with us. They supply the masses with a goodly number of vicious 
prejudices and misconceptions, and the conspiracy of wisdom which 
owns them reaps the benefit in class legislation. The prime service 
of novelists is that they are more stirred and swayed by their sympa- 
thies than the prudential considerations of expediency, and as the 
sympathies are more eternally true and valid than any of the cheap 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 161 

worldly wisdom of expediency, which is as catching as the itch and 
fear and lying, In a cold and gross age which settles all human affairs 
by an appeal to trade and banking statistics and blue books, we 
may confidently expect truer statements of fact from the writers 
of fiction than from the grave scoundrels whose facts are fictitious. 
It is no exaggeration, therefore, to say that the thousands of readers 
who have misunderstood the silver question through an assiduous 
study of Eastern newspapers belonging to the money-lending 
conspiracy in London will see the question in a new and broader 
light after reading "The Story of a Caflon." 

The story of one caflon is the story of many, and these vivid pen 
and ink sketches but illustrate from actual knowledge and observa- 
tion the way in which the silver question has touched and affected 
the lives and homes of our mining brothers. The fortunes of the 
Howard family are the fortunes of thousands throughout the state 
of Colorado. It is first of all a good interesting story, of love and 
domestic life, filled with strong character-drawing and sharp, witty, 
and imperceptibly instructive dialogue. But it is something more 
than this in the ultimate impression it leaves on the mind of the 
thoughtful reader whose heart is open to the moral and physical and 
spiritual needs of his or her fellow-creatures. It leaves a picture 
bitten into the imagination as it were by acid, etched indelibly upon 
the memory. It is the psychological history of a great and important 
class of men and women whose lives and minds have been largely 
shaped by their physical environment The story is not one with 
any startling or complex plot, but depends rather more for its interest 
on the portrayal of the deeper springs in everyday life and character. 
In this it belongs distinctively to the new rather than to the old 
school of fiction; to the simple naturalistic art of Mary E. Wilkins 
rather than to that of Wilkie Collins and Charles Reade. 

The story centres about the humble home of John Howard, a 
miner, of varied fortunes, of many years* experience. We are taken 
at once into the heart of the Rockies, where the stupendous wonders 
of nature seem to lend dignity and wholesomeness to the minds of 
those who dwell in their midst. The home of the Howards, invit- 
ingly and poetically called "Rest-a- While," was an old-fashioned 
two-story brick house perched on a rocky plateau, a little back from 
the mountain road, which climbed tortuously through one of the most 
picturesque cations of Colorado. In the immediate background 
terraced mountains tower in rugged grandeur three thousand feet; 
and in the caflon below nestles the red-roofed village of Hopetown, 
while all around in changeless majesty and silence sweep the 
eternal hills, grim sentinels of time, watching the busy to-day with 
the same indifference as they viewed the silent, sun-filled days of 
primeval ages. Cup-like hollows, flower-filled, brighten the sombre 
grandeur to-day, straggling lattice-work of bush and vine soften the 
wild rifted sides and yawning chasms; but signs of long-ago convul- 



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162 THS AMKA. 

sions, and titanic force in tortured writhing, everywhere oppress 
with speechless wonder and awe. 

This is the picture of the surroundings of the Colorado miners, and 
we know that the physical environment of nature -has much to do 
with the mental and moral and spiritual development of a people. 
We get many fine pen-pictures of the moods of the mountains in this 
book. It is a rugged setting for human homes, yet hundreds and 
thousands of homes are there, and gentle hearts nestle in this moun- 
tain eyrie. It is the solace of life that love and happiness, like wild 
flowers, bloom on the scantiest of soils, making glad the waste places 
of earth. 

It was now some years since the early pioneers had crossed what 
was then the Great American Desert in their canvas-covered wagons 
to seek homes and fortune in the land of Canaan that lay beyond 
their narrow Eastern horizon. Steadily flowed the tide of emigration 
westward. Wave after wave swept up the wild, lonely cafions, carry- 
ing on their bosoms their human freight. On the crest of one of those 
a few enterprising men were carried into the heart of the hills, and 
stranded in the land-locked basin where Hopetown stands. Here 
the valley widens, and a town is a possibility, but only to men of 
Iron will and dauntless courage. The mighty hills rose up on every 
side like huge ramparts walling them in, seeming to shut out all 
civilization and the comforts and some of the necessities of life, and 
even communication with loved ones far away. As the years passed 
slowly away the prospect-holes had become mines, and the settle- 
ment had a firmer hold of life. No beavers ever surpassed the unre- 
mitting industry of these human moles burrowing in their dark holes 
on the mountain side. Many a brave heart grew weary in the long 
fight against heavy odds, and passed over the range ere his hopes 
were realized; but still the work went on. 

After years of struggle outside capital flowed in, and silver flowed 
out with increasing freedom; and so with gladness and faith in the 
future the foundations of Hopetown were laid. The labor and sacri- 
fice of the pioneers were at last rewarded with comparative civiliza- 
tion and prosperity. A railroad winds its time path up the 
valley. Churches and schoolhouses are built and homes increase 
in number and comfort. The rough streets are more carefully laid 
out and lined with trees. Green lawns begin to grow around the 
houses, and beds of flowers greet the eye to break the grim desolation 
of surrounding mountains. But with all this, there are thousands of 
men in the cafions who just get a bare livelihood out of their labor, 
either working for companies or other men, or prospecting for them- 
selves. Hundreds spend their lives in mining and never make a 
strike at all. And every day in the mines a man takes his life in his 
own hands. 

The description of Saturday night in Hopetown crystallizes in a 
vivid picture the one community of interest which holds all the 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 168 

different characters together. The one overmastering thought of the 
hour was silver — always silver, its past, present, and future. On 
that theme endless changes were rung. Side-tracks of conversation 
on other subjects might be started, and for a few moments there 
would be some discussion upon them, but the general mind was sure 
to return to the main question — the silver issue. That meant food 
and shelter and clothing for themselves and their families, and the 
fortunes of silver were the fortunes of every man in the cation. The 
following little discussion in Saunders* grocery store, which is, no 
doubt, taken direct from many such stores, will give the cue of 
what the feeling is in the West on the silver question and why. 
There was a fellow from New York among those present, one of those 
know-it-all "dickey-birds'' who would be as dumb as a sphinx if the 
morning newspaper failed to come out; he was sneering at the cheap- 
money mania of the West, as he called it, and the discussion was 
about at fever heat Ethan Allen, a shrewd old Yankee, who had 
spent many years in the mountains, was all ablaze too. 

"Cheap money, dishonest dollar, ye call it, — gol darn ye, who 
made it cheap and dishonest? " 

"Machinery and over-production," was the cool reply. 

"No sirree," shouted Ethan. "Legislation done it. Silver never 
fell in value till 1873, when its money power was taken away and it 
was made a commodity. Try that trick on gold and see what'll 
happen." 

"The output of tile silver mines was so great," retorted the New 
Yorker calmly, "that in self-defence the financiers of the country 
demonetized it. They foresaw the financial future — that silver 
some day would glut the market." 

"The output of the silver mines wa'n't half so great as the output 
of human beings," Ethan answered. "If silver was increasing, so 
were the people who used it. The added increase didn't. keep pace 
with the added needs. A Solomon's idea to talk of halving the 
money when the population and business is doubling." 

"It's all right for the fellows who've made their pile," suggested 
John, "only rough on the poor devils who are still grubbing in the 
dirt for a living." 

"Strike down silver," Ethan went on, "and gold'll go kiting sky 
high in value, like the end of a teeter when one youngster falls off 
and the balance is lost. That'll suit the banks and capitalists all 
right, but it'll just down the poor and keep them down." 

"Oh, well," sneered the stranger, "talk won't make your fifty-cent 
dollar worth any more. The intrinsic value will govern that, the old 
law of supply and demand, you know." 

"See here," cried- Ralph Ingram, taking out a five-dollar bill from 
his vest pocket, "what's the intrinsic value of that paper? Not two 
cents, yet you wouldn't hesitate to take It for its face value. The 
government's back of it, that's why. For the same reason, as long 
as the government is back of a silver dollar, it'll be worth a hundred 
cents. It'll neve* be dishonest, unless the government of the United 
States makes it so." 

"Got any o' them fifty-cent dollars on you now, stranger? " asked 
Ethan. 

"No, I never carry them," he answered, "they're too heavy." 



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164 THE ABENA. 

"Too heavy be they?" retorted Ethan. "Gosh, that's a weight 
makes me feel light's a feather. Wish to the land I'd such a load to 
pack home every night. The feel of It would do me good. 

"I was going to say," he went on, "if you had a bushel o' them 
dollars I'd like to give you fifty cents apiece for 'em, make the trade 
In gold, too." 

Evidently not enjoying the spirit of banter creeping into the con- 
versation, the New Yorker said stiffly, "I prefer paper always, and 
outside of the mining regions everybody else does." 

"That ain't so," exclaimed someone in the crowd, "farmers all over 
like silver better. They usually keep more or less money round the 
house, and rats and mice can't destroy silver as they can paper. Fire 
won't burn it up either. Lots of people like It for that reason. It's 
safer to handle, too, won't carry disease as dirty, greasy paper will." 

"In spite of all your arguments," asserted the stranger, confidently, 
"silver's day as a money is past The civilized world is a unit on 
that question." 

"The small world of financiers and capitalists," corrected John. 
"Not the great world of the common people. The masses haven't 
been heard from yet, and they have as much interest in this subject 
as the rich have; ay, more, if they only knew it." 

"The masses," was the contemptuous reply, "never will be heard 
from. They don't understand this question, have neither time to 
study nor brains to comprehend it. Financiers have to think and 
legislate for them." 

"That's something financiers have never done yet," said John 
quietly, "and never till you get a new breed of men. Financiers 
think and legislate for themselves, for the privileged classes, never 
for the masses. Monetary laws in the past, all laws for that matter, 
have been in favor of the wealth-owners, never of the wealth- 
producers, the world's workers." 

"One thing's sartln," exclaimed Ethan, "working people may not 
understand political economy, but they feel its effects and mistakes 
quicker than the rich, and after awhile they'll get mad and strike 
back. Somebody's bound to get hurt if things ain't equalized more." 

"Before things are righted," burst in Joe Dubere, a wild-eyed, 
anarchistic sort of fellow, in whose veins ran the blood poisoned by 
centuries of oppression and injustice, "there'll have to be another 
revolution. We'll have to fight for our rights. I'm ready to shoulder 
my Winchester to-morrow." 

"Oh, go soak that red head of yours, Joe. You'll set fire to some- 
body yet," muttered Steve Loomis. 

"It won't be you, anyhow, Steve," retorted Joe, "you're too green 
to burn." 

"Ballots, not bullets, are Americans' weapons," interrupted John; 
"such questions can never be settled by mere brute force; they 
would everlastingly have to be settled over again. Animals and 
savages fight it out on that line, but the spectacle is hardly worthy 
of imitation by civilized men. They have outgrown, or ought to have 
outgrown, such barbarities. This is the age of arbitration, of reason, 
and the American citizen's battle-field is round the polls." 

"That's so," exclaimed Ethan. "If things ain't right in this country 
the people have themselves to blame. They've been sleeping, an' it's 
most time they wakened up if tuey mean to waken at all." 

"It's high time the conscience of humanity wakened, at any rate," 
snld John, "especially Christian humanity. Wrongs and injustice to 
the masses have been tolerated too long. There's something awfully 
wrong somewhere, and things will never be righted for good until 
there's a reformation from centre to circumference." 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 165 

"Over-production, that's what's the matter," began the stranger, 
"over-production everywhere"— 

"Some folks think," interrupted Ethan, bitterly, "that there's over- 
production of human beings, and that God A'niighty didn't know His 
business when He planned things. Kind o' seems so, I declare." 

"I think myself," continued the other coolly, "there are too many 
people in the world for their own good — too many poor people, at 
any rate." 

"Can't some of you wiseacres start a missionary society for the 
•Scientific Prevention of Over-production?' said John, a sarcastic 
gleam lighting up his eyes. "It might simplify matters, and would 
certainly be more humane than starving and misusing the over- 
production later on." 

"Be jabbers," struck in Mike Clifford, "but that would be a foine 
society for a poor man to belong to. Oi'd jine it mesilf." Mike's 
large family of eight children was sufficient commentary to make 
the joke appreciated. 

As we climbed the steep ascent homeward, the electric lights 
of the village gleamed like stars in the cafion below; on either hand 
in mystery and silence towered the mountains, while above in the 
fathomless blue of the skyey roof scintillated in starry splendor the 
far-away worlds of light. 

All around brooded "the spirit that dwells among the lonely hills," 
dueling discordant thought and sound, and unconsciously bearing us 
to where beyond "earth's fevered voices" there is peace. 

"The mining boys on the whole are a pretty contented lot," said 
John, as we stopped for a moment to take breath and looked down at 
the clustered homes at our feet. "Their lives are singularly narrow 
and restricted, and they are conscious of their own narrowness, but 
they don't grumble much. The Joe Duberes are the exceptions, 
although the world outside hears most about them." 

"Yes," I acquiesced, "their patient contentment has often struck 
me. In a certain sense they are philosophers, and make the best of 
everything." 

"You bet," answered John, "that's what they do. These mountains 
are full of philosophers; not talking ones either. The 'boys' couldn't 
make books about philosophy, I question if they could read them; 
but they can and do live it day by day. We don't have to go to 
Greece to hunt up our stoics. Leasers are pretty good substitutes in 
these parts. I tell you," he went on earnestly, "there's lots of fellows 
climbing these hills every day who lead lives of quiet desperation. 
They go about cheery and uncomplaining, with sealed lips, yet 
underneath their spattered overalls, cares worse than any Spartan 
fox are eating their very hearts out." 

"If we had a modern Plutarch," I suggested, laughingly, "we 
might have a new edition of 'The Lives.' " 

"You may laugh," retorted John, "but there are more heroes living 
now in this nineteenth century than ever before. The only trouble 
is, the Plutarchs haven't turned up to see them. We want somebody 
to come along in these cations, with eyes not only for the surface 
world, but with heart and imagination to enter into the every-day 
lives of the dumb, patient wrestlers who live in them." 

"Then," I said, "we too will have our Iliad." 

"Maybe," was the reply; "maybe when people get far enough away 
to see the true significance of the happenings, their real greatness, 
they'll appreciate them enough to write about them. Meanwhile 
they're only commonplace and trivial." 

"Yet places and experiences," I said, "where characters are 



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166 THE ABEKA. 

fashioned for eternity through the patient self-sacrifice and discipline 
of daily toil, are surely more worthy of an epic than are battles 
fought for conquest or empty glory, more deserving of notice than 
the conspicuous doings of fashionable society." 

•True,'* he answered, "but possibly we'll have to get to the vantage- 
ground of the next world before that truth will come home to us, 
before we'll see things in their true light or estimate them at their 
proper value." 

But all humanity manages to squeeze hope out of life somehow or 
other, and even from the point of view of the miners themselves it 
seems that mining has some compensations. In one of the Sunday 
gatherings in Howard's house, in which he and another old miner 
are discussing old times and present conditions and so on, Spence, 
one of the veteran miners of the town, says: 

"A miner's a good deal like a sailor. After a sailor's been on a 
ship two or three years he's no good on shore. After a man's mined 
for a while, he is no good on earth outside the mountains." 

"That's true," answered John; "I've often noticed it There's a 
certain fascination about mining that holds a man to it, and which 
to a certain extent unfits him for anything else." 

"What is the fascination?" inquired Mrs. Howard. "It seems 
such a hard, unnatural life, working all day in a dark hole, and yet 
men doom themselves to it, and from choice cling to it as long as they 
live." 

"I've often wondered myself what the attraction was," John said 
thoughtfully. "For one thing it's an independent, manly kind of a 
life; even day's-pay men here have different feelings from the same 
class elsewhere." 

"Yep," exclaimed Spense, "a miner in this country don't have to 
take no man's lip. A leaser's his own boss, and if things get out o' 
whack at the mine, even day's-pay men can fall back on a lease of 
their own." 

'Then," continued John," "the element of hope connected with all 
mining transactions attracts many men. If the present don't suit a 
miner, he don't have to live in it; in his mind he always has a 
future. His 'castles may be in the air,' but their foundations are in 
the earth, and that makes them seem substantial to him." 

"Another thing," I suggested, "no matter how shabby a fellow's 
clothes get in the mountains, he doesn't lose his self-respect. Every- 
body knows the reason, or at least tacitly gives him credit for one." 

"He's been putting his money in a hole in the ground." laughed 
John, "instead of on his back, and of course that stands to his credit 
with his fellowmen. Why not? Makes him feel all right with him- 
self, too — like a landed proprietor if his coat is out at the elbow." 

The way the silver question is viewed in the West is a very import- 
ant matter for eastern readers to ponder and consider if they wish 
to see the United States continue as a political unity; for there is not 
the least doubt in the minds of all thinking people, not only in the 
United States but in Europe, that unless bimetallism is restored 
there will be a political split in this country, which will not be so 
easily mended as was the trouble with the Confederate States. This 
time it would be the whole West against the East, and the gold 
standard will bring us to this as inevitably as the sun rises In the 
east, If it continues for many generations. As old Spense said: 
"Times in this country ain't what they used to be, and I'm afraid 
they'll be worse before they're better. Ef you're started on an 



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j BOOKS OF THE DAY. 167 

| inclined plane, an* it's steep enough, you're bound to touch bottom 

some time. The financiers and capitalists tilted this yer plane in '73, 
an* they may tilt it again." (This was supposed to have been said 
before the last session of Congress, when the financiers and capital- 
ists did tilt that plane again, and silver was completely demonetized 
by the repeal of the Sherman Act and by the government's action all 
through the deal for gold-bugs.) 

"They're liable to," John said; there's as much reason now as at 
that time. When silver was demonetized in 1873 and reduced to a 
commodity, it was at a premium, and no political party, or petition 
from the people, asked for its demonetization. That was done in 
secret by a handful of men, and solely in the interests of the moneyed 
classes. Ever since that act not only silver bullion, but everything 
except gold has been gradually decreasing in value. Wheat and 
cotton have kept step with silver in her steady decline." 

"And yet," exclaimed Spense," "people back East think the silver 
question is only a local one, a kind of side-show business." 

•'It's no more local," was John's reply, "than money is local. We 
simply supply the material for what everybody needs, and needs 
more, not less of. The Bible says, 'The love of money is the root of 
all evil.' I sometimes think the want of it is the root of a good deal 
more. Make gold the sole standard, the only currency, you destroy 
half the money, and that means contraction, falling prices, paralysis 
of business from Maine to California." 

"Dog-on my buttons ef I don't think some folks are jes' mean 
enough to want silver kicked outdoors 'cause some other folks 
happen to make a livin' off it," growled Spense. 

**The masses kick their best friend out-of-doors when they let silver 
go," John said. "It's the people's money — was long before Colorado 
was known; in fact, Colorado was called into existence to serve the 
interests of silver, not silver to serve the interests of Colorado." 

"What's the reason," asked Mrs. Spense, in her mild, placid 
fashion, **that anybody objects to free coinage? It wouldn't take 
anything away from the eastern people, would it? They wouldn't 
lose their homes or have any less to eat; but it makes a sight of 
difference to us poor folks who have to live off it. If the miners 
could take their bit o' ore and turn it into money, they wouldn't shut 
it up in boxes, they'd spend it; and that would help everybody." 

"The East would be more benefited than the West by free coinage," 
John remarked, "because just as soon as the silver was turned into 
money by the miners, it would, as you say, be put in circulation, and 
would then go to build up eastern industries. Another thing," he 
added, "by encouraging silver mining, the area of country to be 
supported and improved is constantly being widened, and as a 
natural consequence the markets for eastern goods are multiplied 
and prices made better. Instead of building up our industry and 
section of country at the expense of another, as it is falsely claimed 
.we are trying to do, we are striving to build up our own section for 
our own benefit, it is true, but also for the benefit of a much larger 
section. We can't help only ourselves, even if we wanted to, which 
we don't. If we had 'free coinage* a miner couldn't eat silver and 
thereby live; he'd have to part with it before it would do him or his 
any good." 

"Financial wiseacres back East," said Mr. Spense, "claim there's 
too much money in the country." 

"Seems so," John answered sarcastically, "when you have to pay 
ten or twelve per cent for every dollar you borrow. That's the reason 
too, maybe, so many people all over the world are going hungry, 



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168 THE ARENA. 

there's too much bread to be got A Solomon's explanation that is. 
I wish I was out of mining/* he went on; "outlook's too uncertain 
these days. To be here as we are, dependent on the output of silver 
mines, is like living on a volcano that may crack any day. Crust 
seems pretty thin." 

"Oh! well," Mrs. Howard said cheerfully, "government will look 
after the mining interests. You'll get more favorable legislation 
soon." 

"The government — where do you think the government of the 
United States is located ? " asked John, cynically. "If you suppose 
it's at Washington, you're mistaken. The centre of the government 
in this country is Wail Street, New York, and 'the power behind the 
throne' every time is money." 

Mrs. Howard looked puzzled. "I have always supposed," she said 
doubtfully, "that the government of the United States was 'for the 
people, and by the people.' That was one of father's favorite 
quotations." 

"It used to be," John answered, "but that Idea seems to belong 
more to past history than present. It's in the constitution, and, 
theoretically, is the sheet anchor of this form of government; but 
somehow the flukes of the anchor have been monkeyed with and 
they don't hold. Consequently America is fast drifting Europe- 
ward. Money rules, and things are run in the interests and for the 
protection of the capitalists. They're opposed to free coinage, it's 
against their interests, and for that reason it will be almost a miracle 
if we ever get it." 

The writer evidently feels the perplexities and troubles that 
surround the spiritual in life amid the grim necessities of getting 
food and clothing and shelter. The strange irony which holds all 
these things within the grip of money is shown in this scrap of 
dialogue touching the pinching disabilities of poverty. 

"America as a nation," I suggested, "has been passing through the 
utilitarian age; perhaps now that as a result of that age millionaires 
have become numerous, we'll move up and' on to a broader, higher 
plane. There will be a larger class who have leisure to think of 
something besides making money, and who will have opportunities 
and influence to put their philanthropic thoughts into practice." 

"If they've got any to put," John added, cynically. "As a rule the 
philanthropic ideas of that class don't extend very far. If they did 
there wouldn't be this rapidly widening gulf between the rich and 
the poor." 

"There is too much truth in your accusation, John," Hugh admitted, 
"an' yet I believe in capitalists. I'm glad to see the number of men 
increasing who can live on the interest of what they've made or their 
fathers before them. If they're the right kind of men, they've a 
grand, God-like mission ahead o' them. If they'll only live wisely an' 
for others, their influence will be like the great Father's Himsel',' 
falling on the just an' onjust alike, uplifting, healing, bringing 
together the estranged members o' the human household." 

"I believe in moneyed men, too," John said. "Possession of money 
gives leisure and opportunity to cultivate the mind. As Carlyle says, 
'Culture renders it possible for a man to become all that God created 
him capable of becoming.' Working men never can become that, and 
probably the rank and file of mankind will always have to work, 
consequently they will not have leisure to cultivate their minds, or 
training to think as profoundly as those who have more time. We 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 169 

need trained minds to think for us on all matters, although a large 
proportion of working men are capable of sitting in judgment on the 
deliberations of trained minds after they're put on record. The 
trouble so far has been that the trained minds of this country have 
not thought for the masses, but for themselves and the privileged 
few. The people are awakening to that fact and growing rebellious." 

M Do you think the masses in this country would ever be satisfied 
to let any body of men do their thinking for them? " I asked. 

44 Yes/' John answered, "if they were satisfied the men were dis- 
interested thinkers. They would have to be philanthropists though, 
as well as statesmen, or the people wouldn't trust them long. 
They've been fooled too often." 

"What do you think is the cause of this growing discontent and 
suspicion,'* I said, "of this steadily widening breach between the 
rich and poor, between labor and capital? It seems most unnatural." 

"Selfishness is the tap-root of it all," was John's reply. "When a 
man through the help of his fellow-men piles up an enormous for- 
tune, more than he can possibly, make use of, and then from the 
vantage ground thus gained does nothing to help his brother, but 
on the contrary takes advantage of his brother's necessities to still 
further increase his own superfluities, what can be the effect of such 
an object lesson on the average human heart? 

"Through the cooperation of their fellow-creatures," he continued, 
"men become millionaires and immediately hedge themselves about 
with material splendor and exclusiveness, as if they were kings 
above other men. Last year — ten years ago, perhaps — Tom, Dick, 
and Harry were all in their shirt-sleeves, working hard in the 
trenches of life; to-day Tom's on a pedestal in a dress-coat, and 
expects Dick and Harry to do him homage from a distance. Do you 
think in their hearts they'll do It? " 

**It'il depend on what kind of men they are," I answered; "the 
less of manhood they possess, of course the more deference they'll 
pay to him and his outward trappings." 

"The coat, the house, is but the guinea's stamp, the man's the man 
for a' that," said Hugh. 

"That's the idea, Mac," John responded, "working at the heart of 
every true American, whether born in America or not; and what- 
ever injures that feeling is a great wrong to society. It's a knife that 
cuts bofh ways, too. Above everything else towers a noble manhood; 
that's God's patent of nobility. Tom on his gold pedestal is just 
what he was before, and his airs of superiority only embitter others 
toward him. Resentment is born because his pretensions have no 
real reason for being. Any man or woman who expects deference 
simply because he or she has more material riches or outside show, 
is a fraud, and no man can acknowledge such a claim without losing 
his own self-respect and belittling himself in his own estimation." 

The antiquity of silver as money and its services to humanity, and 
to the masses of toilers earning mere wages, is shown in another 
scrap of dialogue, which reveals the writer's grasp of the whole 
history and profound importance of this question: 

"Often when I look down on Hopetown," said Mrs. Howard, "and 
see the lights of its many happy homes, my heart aches." 
-"Why, mamma?" asked Marian. 

"Because," answered her mother, "Its very existence depends on 
one thing — silver. If the value of that should be taken away, or 
fall too low, even, the mines will have to stop working and the happy 



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170 THE AEEKA. 

homes be deserted. That would mean so much to so many, more 
than you can realize, my daughter." 

"Ya\ that's right, Mary," John said; "It means a whole lot These 
homes that so many miners own are all they have to show for years 
of hard work, the only savings-bank they've been putting their 
earnings into." 

"If the Sherman law is ever repealed, I remarked, "and no better 
substitute given, we'll be in a bad fix in these canons." 

"More than these canons will be in a bad fix," was John's reply. 
"Unconditional repeal of the Sherman act, miserable makeshift as 
that is, means dropping to the gold standard, and the miseries 
involved will be beyond computation." 

"What do you suppose the local effect would be? " Mrs. Howard 
inquired. 

"No one could tell* that," her husband replied; "it would all depend 
on the effect it had on the price of silver, but I'm afraid it would be 
disastrous to our national prosperity. Of course the silver industry 
wouldn't die In a month or a year, -there's too much vigorous life in 
it for that; but deprived of all money value, It would be only a 
question of time when silver mining would cease to be a paying 
investment. People who have property in these sliver canons, and 
have Invested their nil of time and strength, as well as money, would 
cling to the old life in any event, like sailors to a sinking ship." 

"Poor fellows! " I said. "They would probably feel that no boat 
could ever come to take them to a new land of promise and fresh 
beginnings elsewhere." 

"Even if actual starvation and desolation did not follow," John 
went on, "the brightness of living would be destroyed. Life would 
degenerate to a hard scratch and scramble for bare existence. Under 
certain limited conditions a man may Keep soul and body together, 
but would life then be worth living? I bet the fellows back East 
and in London who talk so glibly about the advantages of a gold 
standard wouldn't think so. When people are wrapped up in the 
elder-down of comfort and luxury themselves, It's easy to theorize 
about the pleasures of winter." 

"Hasn't silver been used as a money from time immemorial?" 
asked Mrs. Howard. 

"Yes," replied Hugh, "very early in the history of the human race 
we read in the Bible that Abraham was very rich in cattle and in 
silver and gold, also that he bought a piece of land from Ephron. 
the Hlttite, for four hundred shekels of silver, current money wi' the 
merchant." 

"From that time," John continued, "all through the ages, wherever . 
civilization has existed, the two metals have been linked together 
and used as money. History, both sacred and profane, attests this." 

"It would seem as if God Himself created them for this purpose," 
McLean suggested, "stored them In the same treasure-house an' 
directed mankind by divine Intuition how to use them." 

"Silver has always been the people's money." Interrupted John, 
"and under the reign of free coinage the nation prospered. Had the 
people but known it. their best financial friend was stabbed when 
silver was demonetized In 18~v 

"Thev did not comprehend the far-reaching nature of that measure 
then." I suggested, "nor the upas-like effect it was to have on after 
yearp. Many financial seers assert that the poisonous shadow is 
creeoinc over the In ^n* and slowly paralvzlng every energy, to-day." 

"The trouble is." John said, "the very classes who are most affected 
by this great question are the ones who take the least interest in it." 



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BOOKS OB 1 THE DA*. 171 

"That's so," responded Hugh. "Ignorance has always been the 
"worst enemy of the poor, blindin' them to their own best Interests 
till too late — makin' them convenient steppin* stones upon which 
their shrewder and more unscrupulous brothers could climb to still 
greater riches and power." 

"Well," continued Mac, "we were speakin' of the existence of silver 
as money from the dawn of history till now. In 1873, when discuss- 
ing the restoration of the white metal to its old time-honored posi- 
tion, Blaine stated in Congress that 'silver had been money anterior 
to the American constitution.' " 

"The founders of that constitution never questioned its right in the 
financial system of this country." John said. "They looked on gold 
and silver as the warp and woof of the monetary fabric, inextricably 
woven together." 

"Abraham Lincoln," Mac resumed, "greatest of Americans, divine 
almost in the greatness and simplicity of his character, sent a special 
message of encouragement to the miners of the West by Mr. Colfax 
in 1805. I quote from memory, but there is a copy of the message at 
my cabin, and I know this is pretty nearly word for word. 'Tell 
them/ he said, 'I am going to encourage the mining of gold and silver 
In every possible way.' Evidently in his mind there was no dis- 
crimination against silver. 'We shall have hundreds of thousands 
of disbanded soldiers to care for, and I am going to try to attract 
them to the hidden wealth of our mountain ranges where there is 
room enough for all. Immigration, which even the war has not 
stopped, will land upon our shores hundreds of thousands more per 
year from over-crowded Europe. I intend to point them to the gold 
and silver that waits them in the West. Tell the miners for me that 
I shall promote their interests to the best of my ability, because their 
ffrospcritu is the prosperity of the nation, and we shall prove in a very 
few years that we are indeed the treasury of the world.' " 

"Abraham Lincoln didn't have any interest in silver mines then or 
ever," John said, "so that statement was certainly disinterested. 
The prosperity of the miners was sectional, but their cause was not, 
and he realized that. That cause is as much national now as it was 
then." 

"Little did Honest Abe dream of the conspiracy, English born and 
bred, that was soon to ripen in this country — a conspiracy to lock 
up half of these treasure-houses, thereby robbing the people of half 
their birthright. Had he done so he would never have invited the 
disbanded soldiers, in th rt name of the government, to invest thoir 
time and strength, their little all, in property which a few years later 
the same government would legislate to destroy." 

"Ay, and on what a plea," said John — "over-production. Surely 
a manufactured oretext like that is too thin to hold logic or wear 
long." 

"What do you think of the argument of some of the monometal- 
lic," asked Mac, "that silver has no more right to be protected than 
wheat?" 

"It seems the veriest nonsense to me." was John's reply. "Same 
objection of course can be applied to gold." 

The result in the Colorado cafions of the closing of the Indian mints 
and the unconditional repeal of the Sherman act was Immediate and 
disastrous. The author paints the picture in a few telling words. 
Those to whom this was the great political regeneration of American 
finance have never pondered what it meant to American citizens who 



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172 THE ARENA. 

had developed America's silver mines under the pledges and assur- 
ances of the American government Cleveland broke the faith of 
the United States with the veterans of the Civil War when he put 
the Rothschilds' screws upon our incorruptible legislators. 

That day I had occasion to ride down the canon ten or twelve miles 
on business, and on my way home passed long processions of miners 
returning from work. Bad news travels fast, and already the tele- 
gram and its probable consequences were on every lip. Bach face 
wore an anxious, troubled look, and a nameless foreboding of still 
further disaster filled each heart This was the beginning; the end 
who could foresee? One of the blizzards of life was upon us, we 
were but entering into the storm on the outskirts of its fury. God 
alone could tell what the outcome might be. To these miners trudg- 
ing down from countless holes in every mountain-side all through 
the mining regions, this injury to silver was a serious affair. The 
preservation of their homes, their happiness and comfort almost 
their very existence was involved. No wonder that the usual joking 
banter was absent, and that singly or in groups silent preoccupied 
men trudged wearily homeward. 

As I rode through the streets of Hopetown the same change was 
visible. At the corner where the road turns to go up the hill, a knot 
of excited men were discussing the situation. 

The next morning I returned to the mine, and for a couple of days 
heard nothing of outside matters. The end of the month was always 
a busy time and kept me fully occupied. Friday afternoon, how- 
ever, there came by f telephone fresh news of the outside world, news 
as startling as the closing of the Indian mints, and in its immediate 
effects far more distressing. The leading bank of Hopetown had 
closed its doors. It seemed hardly credible. For many years this 
bank had stood to the miners a very embodiment of sound business 
principles and strength, one of the corner-stones almost of the 
county. We had come to believe in its stability as we believed in 
the immovable mountains, and its collapse was not only a financial 
but a personal loss, a shock to the moral sense of the community. 
Tet the explanation of its failure was simple; it was only an effect. 
Tuesday's news pondered over, reasoned out, had produced Friday's 
calamity. It was the natural, perhaps Inevitable outcome of great 
underlying causes existing in a distant land and beyond local control. 

The view of the situation, and of the rights of the miners to be 
considered by the United States government in precedence to all 
demands of usurer conspiracies and foreign governments, is shown 
in the rough, simple opinion of Sam Banks, one of the old soldiers of 
the war, and an old miner. 

"I don't feel as if we'd been fairly treated; that's what cuts 
deepest. After the war we came West to them mining states because 
they wus silver states, and because the government and President 
Lincoln had made certain promises. That's why we came. We 
exiled ourselves to a very hell of a place, dug and burrowed like 
gophers in them blasted rocks to get a start All the capital we had 
— time, strength, money — we invested right in them canons an' 
thought we had a dead sure thing." 

•'Now look at us! We've got our homes, our property here all right 
but what are they worth? You couldn't give a silver mine away. 
Everything's just naturally collapsed, shrunk like a child's bubble, 
and notning has any value. We're middle-aged paupers, and yet for 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 173 

a quarter of a century we've grubbed in them holes till we don't 
know nothiri' else." 

"Ay, an' the hardest of all is," exclaimed Dan Miller, "our poverty 
doesn't come from natural causes, from shiftlessness, but from legis- 
lation made in the interests of those who already have more money 
than they need, an' the legislation's made at the say-so of England! 
The whole country needs what we've got, but to boost the rich folk 
higher, double the value of their gold, our silver is made of no 
account I feel as if we'd been robbed simply because we were not 
strong enough to help it, but might ain't right by a long shot" 

To thousands of readers the pages of this book will bring a 
panorama of what the drama of actual life really is in the Rockies 
and what the silver question really means to our own kith and 
kin here in America, for the aggrandizement of the usurer class 
who have already Europe under their thumb — a gigantic revenge 
for all the abuses that have been heaped upon those unlovely and 
unlovable tribes. It should help in the growth of a new patriotism 
of America for the Americans, and should rally the forces allied for 
money for humanity instead of money for conscienceless speculators 
and usurers. JONATHAN PENN. 

YOUNG WEST.* 
Edward Bellamy's inspired •book, "Looking Backward," seems in 
its turn to have been an inspiration to many writers upon social 
questions, as well as a foundation for nationalistic, socialistic, and 
perhaps other istic organizations looking to the betterment of the 
present. existing conditions. Doctor Schindler's book, "Young West," 
is a capital sequel to that of Mr. Bellamy, depicting with clearness 
and in detail the state of things which must be expected to exist in 
a country like that in which the hero of "Looking Backward" awoke 
after his nap of a hundred years, during which time "all things had 
become new." 

Since the time that he had gone to sleep, all social conditions had 
changed in such a marvellous manner that he failed to understand 
them. His age had been one of intense competitive strife, now he 
beheld society forming a brotherhood indeed, in which all worked 
for one and one for all. He could not understand how money should 
have ceased to be the stimulus for all individual efforts; he won- 
dered that people were found willing to work without being paid for 
their labor; he could not see how all could live in affluence, nor could 
he grasp the idea of economic equality. After a short time, however, 
he became not only reconciled to our social arrangements, but began 
to acknowledge their superiority over the conditions that prevailed 
in his time. He now wondered that his contemporaries could have 
been so blind as not to see the true remedy for all the evils of which 
they complained so much. He remembered now that at his time 
already some such ideas of economic equality had been troubling the 
minds of a. few Individuals, and how the socialists — so these people 
had been called — were scorned and ridiculed as visionaries, yea, 
even persecuted as enemies of society. 

•" Young West, a Sequel to * Looking Backward,' " by Solomon Schindlcr. Price, 
cloth $1.%, paper 50 oents. Arena Publishing Company, Boston. 



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174 THE ABENA. 

Young West, son of the sleeper of 2001, Introduces himself to the 
reader of Dr. Schindler's book, as at the age of three years, he 
"awoke to consciousness" of life in one of the national nurseries in 
the city of Atlantis, known in the nineteenth century as Boston, and 
continues his autobiography through a long and memorable life dur- 
ing which he served his country and "ran through the whole scale of 
social and public ambition," from the nursery to the presidency and 
ex-presidency, which in the wonderful country of which he writes 
was most honorable of all, since, instead of being shelved for the rest 
of his life, an ex-president became a member of the World's Court of 
Arbitration and so of much importance still. 

The story of "Young West," as he continues to be called to the last, 
affords an opportunity for the author to bring out and enlarge upon 
the ideas of nationalization of pretty nearly everything, which read- 
ers of the ARENA have found in most of Dr. Schindler's papers in 
this review; but while this makes the book interesting to thoughtful 
persons who are looking into the subject of social reforms, it does 
not detract from the interest of a general reader who desires only 
that a book shall serve to while away a leisure hour. There are no 
dull pages, and although the reader's views of many things may 
differ widely from those of the author, and his utterly material way 
of treating things that can be only spiritually discerned may cause 
a slight shock to some hyper-sensitive souls, there is really less self- 
assertiveness and want of toleration than Is often found in books 
which claim to be very spiritual. 

Altogether, then, the book is well worth reading either as a study 

or as pastime, even though perhaps, at the end one may feel that the 

# gist of it all is in the few pages where "Young West," now an old 

man full of honor and success, finds the confession of his strangely 

resuscitated father and reads: 

"With all its advantages over my previous life, my present exis- 
tence does not satisfy me. I miss too many conditions that were by 
force of habit dear to me. The. very absence of worry, of care, 
oppresses me, as a calm on the ocean oppresses the sailor. I do not 
live — I vegetate. Not only is it easy to be good, not only has virtue 
ceased to be the result of strife, it is difficult, nay, Impossible, to go 
wrong. What glory, therefore, in goodness? I miss the shadow that 
relieves the dazzling light of virtue. Moreover, in whatever relation 
I am placed to others, I find myself the diminutive, insignificant part 
of a whole. After I have done my best, I am no more than is my 
neighbor, who also has done his best according to his abilities. There 
are no distinguishing lines between man and man; I am placed on a 
dead level with the rest; I am lost in the crowd." 

"Almost all of man's personal responsibilities have been taken 
from his shoulders, except the one inclusive responsibility of serving 
to the best of his abilities the Commonwealth. The parent is no 
longer responsible for the proper bringing up of his offspring; the 
husband is not held to protect his wife, neither is the child asked to 
assist the originators of his existence in their declining age. Wher- 
ever I turn, I confront the selfsame spectral, abstract idea of the 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 176 

commonwealth. The commonwealth is the parent, the common- 
wealth Is the child, the commonwealth is the God, who carries all 
and is worshipped by all." 

Well, there is certainly no danger or likelihood of those now on 
earth suffering as the elder West did from this cause — want of 
adjustment to an improved state of things. We and our children and 
theirs after them may be able to do something toward bringing about 
such a state, and uncounted millions may rejoice in the fulfilment of 
our altruistic hopes, but unless we view it from some higher sphere, 
we shall not know. As "Young West" says: 

• Alas, we move not in leaps and bounds. The transformation of 
conditions progresses too slowly to be observed, so that after a 
change has become noticeable the creatures of a former stage have 
become unfit to live in the new world. We cannot Jump into a new 
social order, but must grow into it. I am sure that we could not 
live happily in the time to come, say, one hundred years from now, 
after society will again have changed its forms. Wise and beneficent 
is nature, therefore, that it removes us from the stage when a new 
play, for which we have not rehearsed, is to be enacted. . . . The 
social reformer must be unselfishness personified. He must never 
expect to derive any benefit for himself; he must never hope to enter 
the land into which he is leading others; he must never try to hasten 
the natural and rational development of conditions. He may show 
the way; he may prophesy what will happen. 

The book is written in Dr. Schindler's well-known style. It is 
sometimes verbose, not always quite smooth English, since no doubt 
he thinks in German and writes in English, but it is interesting from 
start to finish. JULIA A. DAWLEY. 

ENEMIES IN THE REAR.* 
I. 

Those of us who are old enough to have heard the talk about 
"black-snakes and copperheads," as the different factions of Northern 
sympathizers with or opponents of the civil war of 1801-65 were 
called, will find in Mr. Hoover's book a vivid portrayal of the state 
of feeling existing all over the northern states in the darkest years 
of our history, 1863-64, when the "Sons of Liberty, or Knights of the 
Golden Circle," the "Enemies in the Rear," were using all the means 
in their power to harass and defeat the measures used by the govern- 
ment at Washington. As a part "of the history of those days, then, 
even aside from its real interest as a picture of life among the 
Pennsylvania Dutch at that time, the book is of decided value. 

It is really an unusually entertaining novel, full of dramatic situa- 
tions, and the action is well sustained and never flags. A capital 
drama might be made of it, with scenes from the old Mill, the quaint 
houses of the sturdy Dutch farmers, the lonely cabin of the witch- 
woman, and the comical lodge room. There are no battlefields nor 

•"Enemies in the Rear; or, A Golden Circle Squared," by Francis T. Hoover. 
Price, cloth $1.25, paper 60 cents. Arena Publishing Company. 



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176 THE ARENA. 

harrowing scenes, but plenty of hairbreadth escapes and detective 
work to delight the younger generation of readers, very cleverly told. 
A vein of quiet humor runs all through the story, which is very well 
worth reading and preserving, too, as a truthful picture of the times 
and of a sturdy, thrifty race still living in the old ways in some parts 
of the land, although their descendants are scattered over the 
country and forgetting or leaving the quaint customs so graphically 
described. It is to be heartily recommended to old and young. 

J. A. DAWLBY. 

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE. 

Mr. J. N. Larned's "History for Ready Reference and Topical 
Reading*' has already an assured place in the front rank of the great 
literary works of this century, although the fifth volume, completing 
the set, is barely off the press. The accomplished compiler is the 
ex-president of the American Library Association and the working 
superintendent of the BufTalo public library. His practical acquaint- 
ance with the needs of the widest range of readers induced him to 
undertake his comprehensive work, and his thorough scholarship 
has executed it in a way to win the warmest praise from the most 
competent judges — historians, scholars, and teachers such as Dr. 
John Fiske, Prof. Moses Colt Tyler, Henry Brooks Adams, Dr. Albert 
Shaw, and Dr. W. T. Harris, United States Commissioner of Educa- 
tion. No brief notice can possibly convey the comprehension of the 
scope and usefulness of this work. It distils a full historical library 
into a retort charged with the spirit of many thousand authors. It 
makes instant reference possible to the noteworthy events, facts, and 
personages of the world's history, and gives the luminous comments 
on them of the master minds of all ages down to our latest day. 

Its maps are no less remarkable than the text. It is a cyclopaedia 
of historic geography, altogether more complete than is furnished in 
any other publication. In the smallest library it absolutely demands 
a place, and it is certain of inclusion in the largest libraries as an 
almost indispensable guide-book. The C. A. Nichols Co., Publishers, 
Springfield, Mass. 



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THE ARENA. 

No. LXVIII. 



JULY, 1895. 



HUDSON'S DUALITY OF MIND DISPROVED. 



BY T. B. ALLEN. 



In his book, "The Law of Psychic Phenomena," further 
described as " a working hypothesis for the systematic study of 
hypnotism, spiritism, mental therapeutics, etc.," Mr. Thomson 
Jay Hudson has made an interesting contribution to psychical 
literature. Considering his work as a storehouse of facts, he is 
open to criticism for admitting the genuineness of some species 
of phenomena, spirit photography and materalization for ex- 
ample, upon what, from the standpoint of the " higher criticism" 
in the psychical field, would be called insufficient evidence. 
Nevertheless, as his primary object is to show the application of 
his hypothesis to a wide range of subject-matter, I feel that, 
with the passing recognition of the fact pointed out, we may 
well deal leniently with the author upon this score. 

Mr. Hudson claims to have formulated an hypothesis that 
grants practically all of the facts alleged by hypnotists, mesmer- 
ists, mental healers of the various schools, and modern spirit- 
ualists. He says : 

The general propositions applicable to all phases of psychological 
phenomena are here only briefly stated, leaving the minor or subsidiary 
propositions necessary for the elucidation of particular classes and sub- 
classes of phenomena to be stated under their appropriate heads. 

The first proposition relates to the dual character of man's mental 
organization. That is to say, man has, or appears to have, two minds, 
each endowed with separate and distinct attributes and powers ; each 
capable, under certain conditions, of independent action. It should be 
clearly understood at the outset that for the purpose of arriving at a 
correct conclusion it is a matter of indifference whether we consider 
that man is endowed with two distinct minds, or that his one mind 
possesses certain attributes and powers under some conditions, and 
certain other attributes and powers under other conditions. It is suf- 
ficient to know that everything happens just as though he were 
endowed with a dual mental organization. Under the rules of correct 
Copyrighted 1890, by the Arena Publishing Co. 177 



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178 THE ARENA. 

reasoning, therefore, I have a right to assume that man has two 
minds ; and the assumption is so stated, in its broadest terms, as the 
first proposition of my hypothesis. For convenience I shall designate 
the one as the objective mind, and the other as the subjective mind. . . . 
The second proposition is, that the subjective mind is con- 
stantly AMENABLE TO CONTROL BY SUGGESTION. 

The third, or subsidiary, proposition is, that the subjective mind 

IS INCAPABLE OF INDUCTIVE REASONING (pp. 25, 26). 

With the aid of these propositions and a few others depen- 
dent upon them, Mr. Hudson undertakes to explain spiritistic 
phenomena, to give, us modern spiritualism with the spirits 
(excarnate at least) left out! He assumes the genuineness ot 
the " leading phenomena of spiritism," however (p. 206). Now, 
I am satisfied that Mr. Hudson's hypothesis, plausible though it 
appears to some, does not explain the phenomena of spiritism, 
and, if the arguments contained herein are sound, it cannot fur- 
nish that master-key to hypnotism and mental therapeutics which 
this thinker believes himself to have discovered. Mr. Hudson 
says: "The three propositions together [those just quoted] 
furnish the key to the whole science of psychology" (p. 323). 
It is the purpose of this article to show that Mr. Hudson has 
not proved the duality of the mind, whence it must follow that 
the whole of his main hypothesis is untenable. 

As the point at issue is whether, on the one hand, the objec- 
tive and subjective minds already mentioned are so distinct, the 
one from the other, as to force us to conclude that the mind is dual, 
or whether, on the other, the relation between them is of a kind 
that compels us to assert that as defined they must be regarded as 
parts of a single whole, it is necessary to lay down the conditions 
which determine, respectively, duality and unity. We say of two 
men that they are independent of each other because each is 
capable of manifesting his characteristics without the aid of the 
other. The conditions of duality are, therefore, that A shall be 
independent of B, and B independent of A. 

Homogeneity of structure is not a condition of unity. We 
look upon the body of man as a unit, yet the structure of the 
hand is vastly different from that of the eye or heart. The real 
unity lies in the interdependence between each part and every 
other part. This can be, first, reciprocal or complete, or second, 
partial. The relation of the heart to the body is a case of the for- 
mer. For the heart cannot perform its function without the body, 
and the body cannot perform its fund ions without the heart. In 
other words, the condition of compkte unity is that A shall be 
dependent upon B, and that B shall be dependent upon A. The 
hand illustrates a partial unity. Its movements are obviously 
dependent upon the cofiperation of the other parts of the body. 
Cut it off and it can no longer fulfil its function. It is this de- 



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DUALITY OF MIND DISPROVED. 179 

pendence that constitutes the true unity of the parts mentioned. 
It is true that the body continues to live without the hand, but 
its efficiency is impaired so that this partial independence does 
not justify us in claiming a duality. The condition of partial 
unity is, then, that A shall be dependent upon B, and that B 
shall be independent of A. 

If Mr. Hudson is right, therefore, in claiming the duality of 
the mind, we must find as the result of our analysis that his 
minds fulfil the conditions of duality, or that: 1. The objec- 
tive mind is capable of manifesting itself without the cooperation 
of the subjective mind; and that, 2. Vice versa, the subjective 
mind is capable of manifesting itself without the cooperation of 
the objective mind. There can be no duality unless both of these 
conditions are fulfilled. 

We come next to a statement of the powers of the two minds 
so far as it is necessary for us to consider them. 

The objective mind takes cognizance of the objective world. Its 
media of observation are the live physical senses. ... Its highest 
function is that of reasoning (p. 29). . . . [It] is merely the function 
of the physical brain (p. 30). . . . The objective mind . . . possesses 
no powers whatever independently of the physical organization . . . 
[and] dies with it (p. 325). ... Its distinctive functions pertain solely 
to physical existence. It has the power of independent inductive rea- 
soning . . . [which] pertains wholly to our physical existence (p. 326.) 
. . . The objective mind is capable of reasoning by all methods, — in- 
ductive and deductive, analytic and synthetic (p. 33). 

As we are analyzing the main propositions only of Mr. Hud- 
son's hypothesis, as it is unnecessary to consider the subsidiary 
propositions invoked by him to explain the manifestations fall- 
ing under the several grand divisions of psychical phenomena, 
and as, according to the conditions of duality just laid down, the 
two alleged minds must each be capable of independent action 
— for these reasons, it will be sufficient to show that the objec- 
tive mind is incapable of action without the coSperation of the 
subjective mind. Of the many statements made, therefore, rela- 
tive to the powers of the latter, I -shall quote but a few, con- 
fining myself entirely to those in antithesis to the claims relating 
to the objective mind and to others that will throw light upon 
our arguments, 

The subjective mind takes cognizance of its environment oy means 
independent of the physical senses. It perceives by intuition. It is the 
seat of emotions, and the storehouse of memory. It performs its high- 
est functions when the objective senses are in abeyance. In a word, it 
is that intelligence which makes itself manifest in a hypnotic subject 
when he is in a state of somnambulism. In this state many of the most 
wonderful feats of the subjective mind are performed. ... It is the 
subjective mind that possesses what is popularly designated as clair- 
voyant power and the ability to apprehend the thoughts of others with- 
out the aid of the ordinary objective means of communication. . . . [It] 



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180 THE ARENA. 

is a distinct entity, possessing independent powers and functions, having 
a mental organization of its own, and being capable of sustaining an 
existence independently of the body. In other words, it is the soul 
(pp. 29, 30). . . . The subjective mind is incapable of inductive reason- 
ing. . . . This proposition refers to the powers and functions of the 
purely subjective mind, as exhibited in the mental operations of persons 
in a state of profound hypnotism, or trance. . . . Given a general prin- 
ciple to start with, it [the subjective mind] will reason deductively from 
that down to all legitimate inferences, with a marvellous cogency and 
power (pp. 33, 34). . . . Inductive reasoning . . . would be as useless 
to the spirit in an existence [after death] where all truth is perceived 
by intuition, as a tallow dip in the blaze of a noonday sun (p. 



Before analyzing the above statements relative to the two 
minds to find out whether or not a real duality exists, it will be 
necessary to consider some of Mr. Hudson's claims respecting 
memory. After considering several cases where, during sickness, 
the patients, amongst other things, repeated passages in foreign 
languages which they could not have reproduced after recovery, 
thus showing an extraordinary activity or exaltation of memory, 
he says: 

The reader, will not fail to observe that in all these cases the subjects 
reproduced simply what they had seen, heard, or read. The impressions 
upon the objective mind, particularly in the case related by Coleridge, 
must have been superficial to the last degree ; but the result Remon- 
strated that the record upon the tablets of the subjective mind was 
ineffaceable. These are not isolated cases. Thousands of similar phe- 
nomena have been recorded by the most trustworthy of observers. . . . 
The reader should distinctly bear in mind that there is a wide dis- 
tinction between objective and subjective memory. The former is one 
of the functions of the brain, and, as has been shown by recent investi- 
gations, has an absolute localization in the ceren/d cortex ; and the 
different varieties of memory, such as visual memory, auditory memory, 
memory of speech, etc., can be destroyed by localized disease or by a 
surgical operation. Subjective memory, on the other hand, appears to 
be an inherent power, ,and free from anatomical relations ; or at least, 
it does not appear to depend upon the healthy condition of the brain 
for its power of manifestation. . . . All the facts of hypnotism show 
that the more quiescent the objective faculties become, or, in other 
words, the more perfectly the functions of the brain are suspended, the 
more exalted are the manifestations of the subjective mind. Indeed, 
the whole history of subjective phenomena goes to show that the nearer 
the body approaches the condition of death, the stronger become the 
demonstrations of the powers of the soul. The irresistible inference is 
that when the soul is freed entirely from its trammels of the flesh, its 
powers will attain perfection, its memory will be absolute. . . . Sub- 
jective memory appears to be the only kind or quality of memory which 
deserves that appellation ; it is the only memory which is absolute. 
The memory of the objective mind, comparatively speaking, is more 
properly designated as recollection (pp. 46-7). 

It might increase the plausibility of Mr. Hudson's theory 
were it true that " there is a wide distinction between objective 
and subjective memory"; but I assert that, on the contrary, 
while a certain difference, which I shall point out later, may 



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DUALITY OF MIND DISPROVED. 181 

reasonably be insisted upon, it is neither so great as be affirms 
nor of the kind he represents. He tells us that the former is 
dependent upon anatomical structure and that the latter, is 
either independent or partially independent of it. The subjects 
mentioned reproduced, he says, " what they had seen, heard, or 
read," or in other words, the matter quoted got into memory 
by virtue of "anatomical relations" between the brain and 
that faculty. How did it get out again so as to furnish the 
data that led Mr. Hudson to believe that the subjective memory 
is "perfect"? Through "anatomical relations" that enabled 
memory to at least partially reveal itself through the organs of 
speech or by writing ! He does not cite a particle of evidence 
that does not come through the subject's brain ! Of course, it 
goes without saying that if memory persists after death, as we 
both believe, it then manifests itself without the physical brain. 
To justify his distinction between the two memories it would 
be necessary to show, for one thing, that when a memory cen- 
tre had been impaired or destroyed by disease or a surgical 
operation so that it no longer permitted the manifestation of the 
corresponding kind of memory (auditory^ for example), that 
t/ierij this kind of memory, though suffering eclipse under nor- 
mal conditions, is nevertheless able to reveal itself in conscious- 
ness under other conditions or when the subject is in the " sub- 
jective " state. The cases cited by Mr. Hudson do, not prove 
this. It is not claimed that the patients suffering with fever or 
other disorders had any of their memory centres impaired. 

The distinction between the two alleged memories does not 
lie, then, in the genesis of their contents nor in the manner in 
which the latter are revealed in consciousness. I conclude, 
therefore, that man has one memory and not two. The mere 
fact that its manifestation is more perfect at one time than at 
another, or when a subject is in one state rather than in another, 
does not justify the claim that memory is dual. Further, Mr. 
Hudson cannot affirm a true duality of memory without being 
led into inconsistency. For the objective mind, including the 
objective memory, dies with the body (p. 325). We are* told, 
also, that consciousness and memory persist after death and that 
"if either is lost, identity is lost" (p. 401). The following pas- 
sage will help to complete a link in my argument : 

The phenomena alluded to [consciousness and memory] which bear 
upon the question [of retention of identity] relate to the perfect 
memory of the subjective mind, or soul. This faculty of subjective 
memory is implanted in the human soul for some purpose. It certainly 
does not pertain to this life, for, as we bave seen, it is only under 
abnormal conditions that the phenomenon is observable. It must, 
therefore, be a part of the Divine economy pertaining to the future 
existence of the soul. It has no use here, for objective recollection is 



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182 THE ARENA. 

all-sufficient for objective existence and purposes. The conclusion is 
irresistible that it is for the purpose, among other things, of enabling 
the soul to retain its identity. [In reference to] its bearing upon the 
question of future rewards and punishments ... it is obvious that if 
the soul did not retain a conscious memory of its earthly life, no ade- 
quate or just reward or punishment could be meted out to it. Even 
human justice would revolt against, and human laws would prevent, 
the infliction of the penalty for a capital crime, if it were clearly proved 
that the criminal had so far lost his mind as to have no recollection of 
the events of his past life, or, in other words, had lost conscious 
identity. Besides, it must not be forgotten that the soul is the seat of 
the emotions, as well as the storehouse of memory. It is obvious that 
it is only through the emotions and the memory that rewards can be 
conferred or punishments inflicted upon the immaterial soul (p. 402). 

Our author is in a dilemma. If he maintains the duality of 
memory, then he must concede that the blotting out of that 
"objective recollection" which is "all-sufficient for objective 
existence and purposes," carries with it the extinction of at least 
the most important part of that section of memory which 
must persist in order to make possible that recollection of past 
events in one's life, the retention of identity, and the conferring 
of rewards and punishments which would satisfy Mr. Hudson's 
conception of justice. If, on the other hand, he admits the 
unity of memory, that concession militates against his 
hypothesis. 

Enough has been said to show that while Mr. Hudson's ob- 
jective memory is, practically without exception in the life of 
the embodied soul, but a part of the whole memory capable of 
revealing itself under proper conditions, yet, nevertheless, the 
unity and not the duality of memory must be affirmed when we 
take into account the facts and the chief implications of the two 
conceptions. 

Further, in declaring the unity of memory we are at the same 
time compelled, in the interest of accurate thinking, to cast out 
the terms "objective recollection," "objective memory," and 
" subjective memory," as unreal and therefore so entirely desti- 
tute of precision as to unfit them for our purpose. There is no 
insuperable objection to employing them loosely to distinguish 
that part of memory ordinarily capable of manifesting itself in 
consciousness from the whole of memory, though even for this 
purpose other terms might better be used, as they would be less 
likely to mislead. We can return now to the discussion of our 
main question, Has Mr. Hudson proved the duality of the mind ? 
The principal reasons for answering this in the negative are as 
f ollow8 : 

1. His first claim is that " the objective mind takes cognizance 
of the objective world," that " its media of observation are the 
f\ve physical senses." Now, what does " cognizance of the ob- 
jective world" or "observation" involve? What kind of a 



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DUALITY OF MIND DISPROVED. 183 

mental act ? Two terras used by psychologists, "sensation "and 
" perception," need to be considered to answer this question. 
Of these Prof. William James says in his " Principles of Psy- 
chology " : 

Pure 8en8atio7i8 can only be realized in the earliest days of life. They 
are all but impossible to adults with memories and stores of associa- 
tions acquired. (Vol. ii, p. 7). . . . A pure sensation we saw above 
... to be an abstraction never realized in adult life. Any quality of a 
thing which affects our sense-organs does also more than that : it 
arouses processes in the hemispheres which are due to the organization 
of that organ by past experiences, and the results of which in conscious- 
ness are commonly described as ideas which the sensation suggests. 
The first of these ideas is that of the thing to which the sensible qual- 
ity belongs. The consciousness of particular material things present to 
sense is nowadays called perception. The consciousness of such things 
may be more or less complete; it may be of the mere name of the 
thing and its other essential attributes, or it may be of the thing's vari- 
ous remoter relations. It is impossible to draw any sharp line of dis- 
tinction between the barer and the richer consciousness, because the 
moment we get beyond the first crude sensation all our consciousness 
is a matter of suggestion, and the various suggestions shade gradually 
into each other, being one and all products of the psychological machin- 
ery of association. . . . Perception thus differs from sensation by the 
consciousness of farther facts associated with the object of the sensation. 
. . . Sensational and reproductive brain-processes combined, then, are 
what give us the content of \our perceptions. ... I hear a sound, and say 
4 a horse-car'; but the sound is not the horse-car, it is one of the 
horse-car's least important manifestations. The real horse-car is a feel- 
able, or at most a feelable and visible, thing which in my imagination 
the sound calls up. . . . Reproduced sights and contacts tied together 
with the present sensation in the unity of a thing with a name, these 
are the complex objective stuff out of which my actually perceived table 
is made. Infants must go through a long education of the eye and ear 
before they can perceive the realities which adults perceive (pp. 76-8). 
. . . All the intellectual value for us of a state of mind depends on our 
after-memory of it. Only then is it combined in a system and know- 
ingly made to contribute to a result. Only then does it count for us. 
So that the effective consciousness we have of our states is the after con- 
sciousness [which is impossible without memory]; and the more of this 
there is, the more influence does the original state have, and the more 
permanent a factor is it of our world (Vol. i, p. 644). 

It is clear from the above quotations that perceptions are im- 
possible without the codperation of memory. I have shown, 
also, the futility of Mr. Hudson's attempt to divide memory 
between his " objective " and " subjective " minds. It is further 
evident that the terms of his hypothesis force him to regard 
memory as one of the most important characteristics of the sub- 
jective mind. Since, therefore, perceptions, observations, cog- 
nitions " of the objective world " are impossible without the aid 
of his subjective mind, it follows that the objective mind is in- 
capable of independent action so far as the use of the physical 
senses is concerned. 

2. Mr. Hudson's second claim is that the " highest function " 
of the objective mind is reasoning, and he lays special emphasis 



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184 THE ABBNA. 

upon the claim that inductive reasoning is exclusively the func- 
ion of this mind. It will be evident, with a little considera- 
tion, that the reasoning process is impossible without memory. 
From what other source can the premises needed for deductive 
reasoning be drawn ? Even ignoring the inability of the unaided 
objective mind to supply us with perceptions, and assuming that 
we come by one legitimately, this must be supplemented by a 
drawing upon memory for the results of other observations 
before an induction can be made ! Or, setting this aside, and 
granting that our inference can be made from a single percep- 
tion, where shall the objective mind go to find the principle of 
the uniformity of nature to which it must now appeal ? It is 
clear, then, that the objective mind cannot perform its " high- 
est function " of reasoning without the aid of the subjective mind, 
or, in other words, it is not capable of independent action in this 
respect. Therefore, after considering the two principal claims 
made for his objective mind and finding that in neither particu- 
lar is it capable of that independent action which alone can 
justify his assertion that the human mind is dual in its organi- 
zation, I conclude that he has failed to prove the duality which 
he affirms as the basic proposition of his hypothesis, and that his 
failure to prove this and my demonstration of the impossibility 
of such a duality disrupt and destroy his whole hypothesis and, 
as a consequence, throw it out of. court as an explanation of 
psychical phenomena that cannot explain. 

I am aware that in one place in his book (the passage first 
quoted in this article) Mr. Hudson does offer the alternative of 
one mind which "possesses certain attributes and powers under 
some conditions, and certain other attributes and powers under 
other conditions," but not only does he proceed in the next 
paragraph (included in quotation just cited) to reaffirm two 
minds without any qualification, but the conception of duality 
is deeply embedded in his text throughout. Farther, he says 
explicitly (p. 29) that " it is a fact, nevertheless, that the line of 
demarcation between the two [minds] is clearly defined ; that 
their functions are essentially unlike; that each is endowed 
with separate and distinct attributes and powers ; and that each 
is capable, under certain conditions and limitations, of inde- 
pendent action." Since, also, the unreality of his division of 
the mind into objective and subjective has been demonstrated, 
his second and third propositions — namely, " that the subjective 
mind is constantly amenable to control by suggestion," and 
" that the subjective mind is incapable of inductive reasoning " — 
both of which involve the subjective mind, no longer have any 
meaning whatever and fall to the ground with the first. Here 
I rest my case. In a future article I shall criticise Mr. Hudson's 
treatment of spiritism. 



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THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH. 



BY A. TAYLOE. 



That the forces for good are everywhere to organize them- 
selves on a common basis for the well-being of all, is settled. 

The attempts which have thus far been made to realize the 
ideal of such unified action seem to be of two classes : (1) those 
which seek to unify Christians on a religious basis common -to 
Christians ; (2) those which seek to unify, on a secular basis, the 
elements which discard the name Christian. Those of the first 
class fail of universality as to membership, because whole nations, 
as well as many earnest individuals in Christian countries, will 
refuse to enroll themselves under the name Christian. Those of 
the second class fail of universality as to aim, because there is 
no direct recognition of the religious nature of the individual. 

Now surely the organization which is to be efficient and per- 
manent must be universal both as to membership and as to aim. 
It must base itself upon a vital truth acknowledged by all earnest 
people of whatever race or religion ; and allegiance to that truth 
must lead to the one end which will include all other worthy 
ends. If the new organization would remind the churches that 
" three-thirds and not one-third of a man must be saved," it must 
itself remember that three-thirds and not two- thirds of a man 
must be saved. " The union of all who love for the service of 
all who suffer " is a high ideal, and we must rejoice to live in an 
age when it can begin to find realization. Yet is it not possible 
to go one step farther at once, and base the new organization 
upon that principle which will secure this social ideal and at the 
same time direct each to the guide for the individual life ? 

There is a true life for each. The religious nature should 
have positive recognition. The religion which is at the heart of 
all religions is as universal as the attraction of gravitation which 
binds us every one to the earth. Religion, by the etymology of 
the word, "binds" us to something. Though one may not 
acknowledge as authority any organization, any man, or any 
established conception of a God, yet he cannot escape the com- 
manding influence of love, of truth, of beauty. All men seek 
imagined or real good. This pursuit is the object of life. That 
which each believes will lead to the desired good becomes his 
creed. Since every one seeks something, every one believes 

186 



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186 THE ABENA. 

something — every one has a creed. A man without a convic- 
tion, without an " I believe," would be a useless, lifeless creature. 
He would never act. The I believe^ as well as the Ilove^ is ever 
essential to the I will. And ail that is sought to be attained by 
the wider organization of the forces for good must be gained 
through action; that action must result from conviction; that 
conviction, in order to have power to unite tjie efforts of all 
earnest people of every race and faith, must be a conviction 
which all earnest people share — it must be a creed which is 
common to all. 

To find this common basis for organization, those elements of 
belief which are not held in common must be passed by. No 
statement must be made for or against the truth of any creed not 
held by all. Since some believe it and some do not, each must 
be free to believe or not. Even the very widespread belief in 
the existence of a God cannot be stated, because some earnest, / 
helpful people are not able to subscribe to that article. How- 
ever precious to some of us may be the trust in an Over-Con- 
sciousness from which we derive that by which we say, " I know 
God and am known of Him," however precious may be the 
moments of communion when we feel ourselves one with an 
All-enfolding Love to which our little loves are but as the drop 
to the ocean ; still, while there remains one earnest soul living 
on and living well, disclaiming any such consciousness or feeling, 
we must not, as equal men and, women, presume to assert as 
essential that which will shut out such a one and deny the 
earnestness of his life. We may cherish our own faith if we 
will, but for a ground of union with him, we must look yet 
deeper, until we find the creed by which he lives and to which 
we, also, can subscribe. So with other widely accepted but not 
universal faiths. In the language of an eminent minister of our 
country, " With or without Christ, with or without God, with or 
without immortality," we must live with regard to " love, truth, 
and righteousness." 

Yes, herein is a common creed. Love, truth, and beauty — 
this trinity is one, and includes all that exists. We all acknowl- 
edge ourselves bound to the universe and subject to its laws. 
The whole must be master of the part ; the part must take its 
place in the whole. Acceptance of this obligation is the essence 
of religion. In every moment of conscious life, each individual 
perceives his relation to that which is outside himself, as matter, 
mind, or spirit. Through his threefold nature the universe 
touches him — through emotion, as love; through intelligence, 
as truth ; through sensation, as beauty. 

And consciousness of relation involves perception of duty. 
Religion is the recognition of obligation. It fruits in conduct. 



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THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH. 187 

But one may not act according to the perceptions of sensation 
alone, or of intelligence alone, or of emotion alone. It is the 
knowledge of relation resulting from the combined use of all 
one's powers of perception — it is conscience — that can lead 
each individual to take his true place in the whole at each mo- 
ment. And to live as we ought here and now is the important 
thing. One need not know the right for a future time, because 
this guide will remain with him. And one need not know the 
right for another, because that other also has his guide. 

It is the same with regard to our relation to social institutions 
and influences. These appeal to mankind as authority, as in- 
struction, or as inspiration. Not one kind of appeal only, but all, 
must be heeded. It is by the knowledge resulting from the com- 
bined influence of all these that we know what the past and 
present ages can teach us, and what the present social conditions 
demand of us. Here, too, it is con-science which we should fol- 
low. This guide will point the straight and narrow way for 
each in the conduct of his individual and his social life. It will 
correct every tendency to wander this way or that in a too exclu- 
sive attention to one kind of consciousness. Christian, Hebrew, 
Mohammed, Buddhist, atheist, all agree in the duty of a man to 
do the right he knows. Even those who trust and love a being 
they call God, or by some equivalent name, agree that at times 
when the consciousness of that presence is lost and one gropes 
in doubt and darkness, there still remains the duty to go on 
doing the right. Indeed it is a tenet of the religion of such that 
it is just by going on doing the right, patiently, though it may be 
in suffering, that the blessed consciousness is regained. 

So, in the words of Mr. Ehrich, " The bond of union will not 
be believing, but doing." Faith and love are of value in the 
work of the world because they create the energy which brings 
things to pass. They issue in will. 

44 For this is the love of God, that we keep His commandments." 

44 The only path of escape known in all the worlds of God is per- 
formance." 

" If ye know these things, happy are ye if you do them." 

44 If our virtues 
Bid not go forth of us, 'twere all alike 
As if we had them not. Spirits are not finely touched 
But to fine issues." 

44 The revelation of God to man is in his own consciousness of that 
which is right and true and good ; higher than this can no man attain — 
to 4 live to the level of his highest thought.' " 

14 Walk up to that you know, in obedience to God ; then you shall not 
be condemned for that you know not, but for that you know and do not 
obey." 



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188 THE ABENA. 

" We should always act upon the ideal; it is the only safe ground of 
action." 

" God, by kindling in the heart the sanctuary lamp of conscience, has 
imposed upon each the duty of walking by its light." 

These quotations express a universal principle. There is no 
thinking person on the face of the earth whose genuine creed 
does not contain this truth, whether his professed creed states it 
or not. This is the pole-star for the guidance of every life. 
This is the " primitive cell" of true religion, when we have found 
which, says Amiel, " we shall have reached our goal." Obedience 
to conscience is simply the motion of one's whole being in re- 
sponse to the total influence of the love, the truth, and the beauty 
to which one has conscious relation. When the individual thus 
assumes his true place in the whole, the life of the whole flows 
through his being, and he lives, and grows capable of greater 
power, wider thought, and deeper love. The truth is a vital one 
— obedience to conscience leads to life.. 

In this universal creed is secured the first element of universal- 
ity in the basis of organization, that of possible membership. 
And this creed is not superfluous. The building of churches 
"without creed or doctrine" is reaction. Nothing permanent 
can be founded on negation. No less than earnest allegiance to 
the right so far as it is known is required to make each person a 
helpful member in the organization. The man who can stand 
alone is the man who can be a friend. An organization made up 
of earnest, helpful people will be an earnest, helpful organiza- 
tion. It is true, of course, that many persons, believing other 
things essential, will feel it their duty to testify to those other 
things even to the extent of withholding their support from any 
organization, however helpful, which does not affirm them. But 
this need be no cause for regret. Sach will go on in their spe- 
cial lines of work, and these are still needed. The essential 
thing is to plant the new, all-enclosing temple upon the founda- 
tion rock which lies so deep that it must forever underlie all 
other foundations. Then the organization will indeed be uni- 
versal and permanent. 

The second element of universality which the organization 
must have — an aim which shall include all other worthy aims — 
grows of necessity out of the universal creed. When the indi- 
vidual finds the way to his own well-being, the social instinct, 
that is, the love of his fellows, inspires him to work for the well- 
being of others. The unifying power of the whole, Love, voices 
itself in his conscience, and he cannot escape the impulse to labor 
for others. The collective effort, then, must be toward securing 
the well-being of all mankind, in all relations of life. No less 
than this can fulfil the conditions of a universal object. In 



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THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH. 189 

whatever way it may be stated, the first and great commandment 
is eternally, " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy 
heart, and with all thy strength, and with all thy mind" ; and the 
second will ever be "like unto it — Thou shalt love thy neighbor 
as thyself." 

Right living, including service of the neighbor, is the basis of 
the church universal. Recognizing the threefold nature of the 
universe, it will recognize also the corresponding threefold nature 
of man, and will minister to his well-being in all the relations 
arising therefrom. Always essential to the well-being of man is 
his own right attitude toward that to which he bears conscious 
relation, and all the service that can be rendered him by others 
is help to gain that attitude. But the ways in which this help 
may be given are manifold. In a thousand ways he may be 
inspired to hope, may be taught the truth, or may be given the 
helping hand in the removal of hindrances. The organization 
which would be universal in aim must work along all these lines. 
Letting go none of the good work of the past, it will simply take 
a broader sweep of service, ministering to the whole life of man. 
It will seek, through inspiration, teaching, and service, to lead to 
the " love of the beautiful, the pursuit of truth, and the practice 
of goodness." 

Mr. Ehrich, in advocating a unifying organization, said : " The 
name importeth little. We seek the substance of love as fruiting 
in loving work. We must be doing" 

It is the universal church — so let it be called. As has been 
said, the one essential good is the harmony between the one and 
the all. The work of helping each to find this harmony in all 
relations is the work proposed by this organization. But through 
all ages, in all nations, under whatever name, this has been the 
aim of the religious organizations. However blind or partial 
may have been their efforts, they have tried to point out the way 
of life; and, however hindered by the imperfection of their 
agents, they have sought to help men come into that way. Any 
organization which seeks to do this is essentially a religious 
organization. Religion " binds " ; but as in the bondage to the 
earth through its attractive power our bodies find their perfect 
freedom, so in the religion which establishes the bondage to love, 
truth, and beauty, is the perfect liberty of our whole being. 
**The last lesson of life, the choral song which rises from all 
elements and all angels, is a voluntary obedience, a necessitated 
freedom." 

The reign of love, truth, and beauty is the reign of life itself. 
Life — more life — is the one need of all. This draws us with 
irresistible power ; this is the end of all our strivings ; this is 
the master which commands us. The word church signifies the 



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190 THE ARENA. 

master's house, the Lortfs house. The church universal is the 
" house of life." All are children of the family dwelling in that 
home. It already exists in ideal, and the term is well under- 
stood. Although sometimes employed in a limited sense, it can- 
not be correctly so used, because the phrase universal church 
must mean the house of the master whom all acknowledge. 
"The church . . . rightly understood, is but the home of the 
universal family, calling upon the free in every portion of the 
universe to unite beneath the eternal law of Intellect and Love." 

The time has come when the universal church may take out- 
ward form and set to work in its own high capacity. Then, from 
a standpoint overlooking the world, it can reach out to the 
farthest corners of the earth and help the humblest creature ; it 
can call into united activity the powers of every man, woman, 
and child to the measure of ability, wisdom, and love; recogniz- 
ing the sanctity of all helpful work, and adopting it as part of the 
business of the church, it can bring into cooperation all organiza- 
tions laboring for any good cause ; it can bring the nations into 
fraternal interchange in the work of humanity by causing them 
to meet upon a common ground, realizing that all their temples 
are parts of the one great temple founded upon the one rock of 
truth that underlies the whole. 

So I plead for the embodiment of the universal church now, 
in forming this broader organization of the powers for good. 
Within existing churches is much of the active, clear-seeing 
goodness of the time, and this goodness is of the same nature as 
that which is outside the churches. There should be no line 
drawn between church and non-church, Christian and non- 
Christian, for all belong to the universal church. The line 
should be drawn at earnestness in the individual life and helpful- 
ness in the social life. 

Prophecy points to the coming of such an organization. Maz- 
zini says : \ 

I have often dreamed of a state of things . . . when every lov- 
ing, devoted soul, convinced of the necessity of a creed of fusion . . . 
should act upon the duties imposed by such a conviction. Instead of 
all these associations organized for one special branch of teaching or of 
activity, and which are now separate, strangers to each other, not only 
in different countries, but in the bosom of the same country — often 
even of the same town — there should be one great philosophical — I 
might say religious — association to which all these secondary associa- 
tions should be united as branches to the parent stem, each bringing to 
the centre the results of its labors, of its discoveries, of its views for the 
future. 

Emerson prophesies : 

There will be a new church, founded on moral science, at first cold 
and naked, a babe in the manger again, the algebra and mathematics of 



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THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH. 191 

ethieal law, the church of men to come, without shawms or psaltery or 
sackbut; but it will have heaven and earth for its beams and rafters, 
science for symbol and illustration; it will fast enough gather beauty 
and music, picture and poetry. Was never stoicism so stern and exigent 
as this will be. It shall send man home to his central solitude, shame 
these social, supplicating manners, and make him know that much of 
his time he must have himself to his friend. He shall expect no coop- 
eration; he shall walk with no companion; the nameless Thought, the 
nameless Power, the superpersonal Heart, he shall repose alone on 
That 

The Universal Church thus organized would carry on a three- 
fold work : 

1. In civic and parish churches, through the association of 
large-minded, sympathetic workers from the various helpful or- 
ganizations within a city, town, or rural community, it would 
deal with all matters relating to the well-being of the people, 
and through its members would secure the coflperation in prac- 
tical work of all the organizations represented. By the union 
of these churches into larger and larger bodies, up to the 
national and international church, the needs of larger districts 
could be met. (The first part of this work has already been 
commenced by the Unions for Practical Progress, the Civic 
Churches, and other like societies lately organized.) 

2. In local churches the people would meet upon the simple 
basis of this organization, for the mutual advancement of their 
religious, educational, and social life. Here the individual life 
would be developed throagh the church association which is so 
valuable. (The value of this work has been recognized to some 
extent in the supplementary clubs for people not connected 
with any existing church.) 

3. Through a board of ministry, a representative body with 
advisory powers, plans of work would be devised ; the work of 
organization would be extended ; needs would be studied ; pro- 
grammes for public meetings and lessons for character schools 
would be prepared and furnished to churches desiring such aid, 
so that the best teaching of the time could be supplied at a 
small cost and given in hundreds of little local meeting-rooms or 
churches in small towns, and at various places in cities, or in 
union or "travelling" congregations. 

If a few should be turned away by prejudice against the name 
church and the idea of religion^ that effect will be only tempor- 
ary ; and, on the other hand, by a distinct recognition of the re- 
ligious nature and an appeal to it in a rational way, a need will 
be met that is being more and more felt. An evangelism of 
" sweet reasonableness," with one motive — love, one message — 
truth, one watchword — duty, shall lead the multitudes; it shall 
" speak with tongues," for all can understand its language. 



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THE CENTURY OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 



BY B. O. FLOWER. 



Sixth Paper, The Spanish Peninsula. 



The same cause or combination of causes may awaken widely 
different sentiments in different individuals, even appealing to 
entirely different planes of being in their organisms. And this 
fact is equally true of nations and civilizations. What may 
appeal to the scientific spirit or the ethical and religious im- 
pulses of a sturdy, sincere, and simple people, may find a response 
in the artistic and aesthetic sentiments of a nation older in its 
civilization and somewhat enervated by great wealth ; while a 
third people may receive the same great thought-waves and 
come in touch with the same moving causes with the result that 
an inordinate desire for wealth follows — a desire for gain which 
can give power and the gratification of the sense perceptions. 

It is a noteworthy fact that the causes which led to the 
Renaissance in a way awakened these widely different impulses 
and desires. Thus, as we have seen, north of the Alps, espe- 
cially among the German and English peoples, ethical, religious, 
and philosophical sentiments were awakened. "All for spiritual 
and scientific truth, or the eternal verities of the Universe," 
became the watchword. South of the Alps a passion for art 
predominated. "All for Beauty M was the keynote of Italian 
thought; and in Florence, Rome, Venice, Milan, Parma, and 
other cities of the peninsula, painting, sculpture, and architecture 
blossomed as never before. 

To the westward the physical ideal seems to have exerted a 
predominating influence. Riches, the gold of the Indies — this 
was the magnet which furnished the money for Columbus and 
nerved the Portuguese to weather the Cape of Good Hope. 
Discovery for possession and commerce, for the power and grati- 
fication which gold could yield — these thoughts filled the 
horizon of many minds. Wealth meant splendid homes, mag- 
nificent villas, the gratification of appetites, the mastery of man, 
and, through this, further license. Another side of man's nature 
which blazed forth more balef ully on the Spanish Peninsula than 

192 






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THE CENTURY OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 193 

anywhere else during this period was the spirit of savage brutal- 
ity born of greed for gain, mingled with a low and degrading 
conception of religion. The conquest of Granada, the overthrow 
of one of the most remarkable civilizations the world has known, 
and the reduction of vast acres of highly cultivated gardens to 
arid plains was the glorious (?) task which won the title of " the 
Catholic " for Ferdinand and Isabella. 

But it was not until the reestablish men t of the Inquisition 
under their reign that Europe had that example of the trium- 
phant tiger in man, which by its contagion infected Western 
civilization, and turned more than one Christian nation into a 
slaughter-pen. There is nothing so dangerous as a dogmatio 
religion in the hands of a savage and brutal people. It crushes 
out all the divine impulses; it overthrows reason and freezes 
the sweet humanitarian impulses which link civilized man to 
man ; it awakens in human beings the hyena, the tiger, and the 
serpent. It anaesthetizes the soul; it fills the mind with the 
conviction that the belief the fanatic holds is the truth, and 
being the truth, that all persons holding different views should 
be — convinced by reason ? Oh L no, the religious bigot has a 
horror of reason. The rack, the stake, the dungeon — this 
method of dealing with an opponent is much more convenient. 
When the majority of the people of a community believe the 
tenets of a dogmatic creed, and their education has been along 
the lines of physical and intellectual attainments rather than 
moral excellence, the man who has a sublime mission is pretty 
certain to meet a tragic end. Socrates is given hemlock; Joan 
of Arc is sent to the stake ; Galileo is committed to the dungeon ; 
Bruno is doomed to the flames; Harvey suffers professional 
ostracism; Roger Williams is banished. Now it was during the 
reign of Ferdinand and Isabella that, for the riches to be gained 
by confiscation and murder, and for the glory of the Roman 
Church, the dial of civilization was turned backward and the 
church entered upon a campaign of merciless torture and sav- 
age slaughter which eclipsed the persecution of all other reli- 
gions in the history of civilization. Of the opening act of this 
appalling tragedy, Mr. Symonds observes : 

The Inquisition was established in Spain in 1478 for the extermina- 
tion of Jews, Moors, and Christians with a taint of heresy. During the 
next four years two thousand victims were burned in the Province of 
Castile. In Seville a plot of ground called the Quemadero, or place of 
burning — a new Aceldama — was set apart for executions; and here in 
one year two hundred heretics were committed to the flames, while 
seventy-nine were condemned to perpetual imprisonment and seventeen 
thousand to lighter punishments of various kinds. In Andalusia alone 
five thousand houses were at once abandoned by their inhabitants. 
Then followed, in 1492, the celebrated edict against the Jews. Before 
four months had expired the whole Jewish population were bidden to 



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194 THE ARENA. 

leave Spain, carrying with them nothing in the shape of gold or silver. 
To convert their property into bills of exchange and movables was their 
only resource. The market speedily was glutted: a house was given for 
an ass, a vineyard for a suit of clothes. Vainly did the persecuted race 
endeavor to purchase a remission of the sentence by the payment of an 
exorbitant ransom. Torquemada appeared before Ferdinand and his 
consort, raising the crucifix, and crying, "Judas sold Christ for thirty 
pieces of silver; sell ye Him for a larger sum, and account for the same 
to God!" 

The exodus began. Eight hundred thousand Jews left Spain, — 
some for the coast of Africa, where the Arabs ripped their bodies up in 
search for gems or gold they might have swallowed, and deflowered 
their women; some for Portugal, where they bought the right to exist 
for a large head-tax, and where they saw their sons and daughters 
dragged away to baptism before their eyes. Others were sold as slaves, 
or had to satisfy the rapacity of their persecutors with the bodies of 
their children. Many flung themselves into the wells, and sought to 
bury despair in suicide. The Mediterranean was covered with famine- 
stricken and plague-breeding fleets of exiles. Putting into the port of 
Genoa, they were refused leave to reside in the city, and died by hun- 
dreds in the harbor. Their festering bodies bred a pestilence along the 
whole Italian seaboard, of which at Naples alone twenty thousand per- 
sons died. Flitting from shore to shore, these forlorn spectres, the 
victims of bigotry and avarice, everywhere pillaged and everywhere 
rejected, dwindled away and disappeared. Meanwhile the orthodox 
rejoiced. Pico della Mirandola, who spent his life in reconciling Plato 
with the Cabala, finds nothing more to say than this: " The sufferings of 
the Jews, in which the glory of the Divine justice delighted, were so 
extreme as to fill us Christians with commiseration." With these 
words we may compare the following passage from Senarega: "The 
matter at first sight seemed praiseworthy, as regarding the honor done 
to our religion; yet it involved some amount of cruelty, if we look upon 
them, not as beasts, but as men, the handiwork of God." Thus Spain 
began to devour and depopulate herself. The curse which fell upon 
the Jew and Moor descended next upon philosopher and patriot. The 
very life of the nation, in its commerce, its industry, its free thought, 
its energy of character, was deliberately and steadily throttled.* 

The savagery of the Inquisition, or the wholesale slaughter 
which at this time began the enactment of the supreme tragedy 
of Western civilization, whereby " Europe opened a vein and 
let out her best blood," belongs to man on the physical and ani- 
mal plane. The blind fanaticism which actuated it is on a par 
with the fanaticism of the worshipper of Moloch and the cruel 
religious rites of some of the more savage tribes. The spirit is 
essentially the spirit of the pit ; it extinguishes reason and drugs 
conscience ; and when we find a soul thus debased, it is all one 
whether we call him Nero or Sixtus VI., f whether we call him 
Domitian or Ferdinand. Moreover, man is not sufficiently civil- 
ized to render it safe for him to gaze upon blood ; in him as in 
the lion it awakens a sanguinary thirst; and the memories of all 
that he has been flying from for ages come before him so vividly 

• " Age of Despots," by J. Addinpton Symonds. 

t Sixtus VI. authorised the reestablishing of the Inquisition in Spain in 1478. 



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THE CENTURY OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 195 

that he turns from reason and philosophy, and, drowning the 
finer and diviner voices of his being, becomes a persecutor and a 
possible murderer. It is doubly sad to remember that such 
degradation of manhood is usually accomplished under the name 
of religion.* 

While Spain was making preparations to commit hara-kiri at 
a time when, had she been less brutal and avaricious, she might 
have become the leader of the world's civilization and the most 
powerful nation on earth, Portugal was forging to the front as a 
nation of great importance ; she had become the Phoenicia of the 
age. The stars of Venice and Genoa were setting ; that of Lis- 
bop was rising resplendent in glory. This city had become a 
commercial metropolis. The Mediterranean was no longer large 
enough for man ; besides, the Ottoman conquests had paralyzed 
the Eastern commerce of the Western states. Portugal 
dreamed of reaching India by an untrod path. She had 
founded trading posts in Africa ; her capital city had become a 
metropolis for barter ; she had established schools for seaman- 
ship ; her people gazed upon the Atlantic, and great thoughts, 
hopes, and dreams beat tumultuous in their breasts. 

To Lisbon came Columbus, as naturally as a great artist of 
that age would have gone to Florence, or a religious enthusiast 
to Rome. Lisbon looked out upon the West, upon immensity, 
mystery, and the future. Columbus appealed to Don John II. 
Had he been less grasping, it is probable he would have been 
heeded, but avariciousness and lust for power were two weak- 
nesses of Don John, and Columbus demanded rich rewards in 
treasure and great power in return for what he proposed to do 
for the king. The king was covetous and greedy; he was, 
moreover, jealous of the royal prerogative. It was not in ac- 
cordance with his policy to bestow either wealth or power upon 
his servants. He declined the offer, and Columbus departed for 
the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, where he was compelled to 
wait until Granada, the stronghold of the Moors, flanked by more 
than a thousand towers, and containing a population of over two 
hundred thousand people, surrendered. At length Columbus 
won his suit. The islands of the new world were discovered 
Oct. 11, 1492, and Columbus returned triumphant. 

The discoverer Columbus was followed by the soldier Cortez, 
who emphasized the savage spirit always possible when man 

* We must not flatter ourselves with the vain belief that we have outgrown the 
savage impulse. Those who belong to the American Sabbath Union, and others who 
are busily engaged in its absurd attempt to resurrect the Puritan Sabbath, are in spirit 
the legitimate successors of Torquemada and Alva. These fanatics have recently had 
high-minded and sincere men and women, who find a warrant in their Bible to wor- 
ship God on Saturday and not on Sunday, imprisoned for keeping the Sabbath instead 
of Sunday as a religious day; and in numerous ways they are displaying the same 
vage spirit which marked the early shadows of the night which put out the day of 



the 



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196 THE ARENA. 

dwells on the animal plane. His atrocities form one of the 
darkest pages in history. In 1513 Balboa crossed the Isthmus 
of Panama and looked upon the mirror-like surface of the 
Pacific. In 1519 Magellan, a Portuguese mariner in the employ 
of the Spanish crown, attempted the circumnavigation of the 
world. Oct. 21, 1520, he sailed through the strait which bears 
his name. Six months later he approached the Philippine 
Islands, where he perished in combat with the natives. His 
squadron, however, continued its course under the command of 
Magellan's lieutenant, arriving in Spain after having circumnav- 
igated the globe in eleven hundred twenty-six days. 

While Spain was acquiring a new world Portugal had reached 
the treasure house of India, and was reaping a rich commercial 
harvest such as Venice and Genoa in the days of their supremacy 
had enjoyed. On the 8th of July, 1497, Vasco de Gama put out 
from Lisbon with four frail barks in quest of the Indies; he sailed 
around Cape. of Good Hope, landing at Mozambique and Mon- 
baca. TheUce he crossed the Indian Ocean, reaching the city of 
Calicut M/fy 20, 1498. He returned to Portugal to confirm in 
part the wonderful stories of the East long before related by 
Marco Polo. He pointed out the supreme opportunity of Portu- 
gal to acquire a trade of immense importance, a fact which the 
government appreciated and acted upon with that vigor and 
celerity which contributed so largely toward making this little 
nation the commercial queen of this age. # 

D' Almeida was despatched to India as viceroy, and after 
earning a great victory and establishing by brute force and 
cunning the claims of Portugal, he was supplanted in his office 
by Albuquerque, the most illustrious of Portuguese warriors. By 
the capture of Socotra and Ormuz he closed the routes to India 
of the Venetians and Mussuimen. To the demand made by the 
shah of Persia for indemnity for closing the route by way of 
Ormuz, Albuquerque led the envoy to a heap of bullets, pointing 
to which he made the bold reply, " That is the kind of money 
with which the king of Portugal pays his tribute." Hearing 
that a Venetian fleet had been taken to pieces at Cairo and 
transported by camels across the desert, he made haste to destroy 
the vessels before the owners had an opportunity of reaching 
the Indian Ocean. 

Albuquerque conquered Goa and made it the capital of Portu- 
guese India. Next he subdued Malacca, after which he gained 
for Portugal an entrance to Oceanica. His brain was filled with 
vast schemes for the advancement of his native land, one being 
the turning of Egypt into a desert by draining the Nile into the 
Red Sea. He also desired to destroy Mecca and Medina in 
retaliation for the taking of Jerusalem and Constantinople by 



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THE CENTURY OP SIR THOMAS MORE. 197 

the Mohammedans. It will be observed that in this so-called 
Christian age retaliation and brute force seemed to completely 
obscure the teachings of the founder of Christianity ; but, in jus- 
tice to Albuquerque be it said, he was one of the few conquerors 
of this age who was respected and loved by the conquered ; long 
after his death the East Indians were wont to go to his tomb and 
pray for protection against the cruelty and inhumanity of his 
successors. 

He was too great a man not to inspire the jealousy and appre- 
hension of his king ; hence it is not surprising that he died poor 
and in disgrace. There is something very pathetic in the spec- 
tacle of this colossal figure, who had given Portugal one of the 
most splendid empires of the world, crying out in the midst of 
his poverty, neglect, and disgrace, " To the tomb, worn-out old 
man; to the tomb!" He died in the year 1515 at the age of 
seventy-two. After Albuquerque, Soares made several important 
conquests, Ceylon being among the number. 

In speaking of the wonderful achievements of Portugal during 
this period, Jean Victor Duruy observes : 

It is difficult to conceive how in less than half a century a people so 
small, in spite of so furious and numerous oppositions, could cover with 
its factories or dominate by its fortresses a coast-line of four thousand 
leagues. But we must realize to what degree the love of lucre was 
excited by this commercial revolution, and what patriotic and religious 
heroism animated the first colonists of India. Gama, Cabral, Albuquer- 
que, and John de Castro believed themselves the armed apostles of 
civilization and faith. 

It will be seen that at the time when Italy was giving the 
world the most glorious art treasures humanity had ever beheld ; 
while her sons were enjoying the ideals and poetry and philos- 
ophy of ancient Greece ; while the wonder-stories of Marco Polo 
were stimulating the imagination rather than the hands ; while 
the mysticism of India and of the ancient church were subtly 
permeating the thought of some of her metaphysical thinkers ; 
and while north of the Alps the moral, religious, and scientific 
spirit was wonderfully active ; at the time when the influence of 
the printing-press was beginning to be felt ; when Copernicus 
was formulating his theory ; when Erasmus, Colet, and More 
were dreaming of a purified church ; when Luther, Zwingli, and 
Calvin were unconsciously preparing to buckle on their arms for 
the greatest religious reformation Christian Europe had known ; 
and when More was penning his vision of a truer civilization, the 
Spanish Peninsula had awakened on the side of material pros- 
perity, and had accomplished the greatest commercial revolution 
in the history of the race. Spain had given to Europe a new 
world of undreamed extent, and her ships had circumnavigated 



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198 THE ARENA. 

the globe. Portugal after dotting the coast of Africa with fac- 
tories, trading-posts, and fortresses, had opened as never before 
the door of Asia to the commerce of Western civilization, and 
had established communication between Lisbon and the coast 
nations, by way of Cape of Good Hope, to Japan. 

Very marked and interesting is the threefold awakening of 
this century. Thus, as has been observed, the multitudinous- 
voices of the time appealed irresistibly to the aesthetic and ar- 
tistic impulses of the Italians, to the moral and scientific spirit of 
the more sturdy people north of the Alps, while among the ener- 
getic, intense, but cruel and selfish people of the Spanish Penin- 
sula, the lust for power and greed for gold, mingled with a devo- 
tion to dogmatic theology, as savage as it was blind, as intense 
as it was unreasoning, furnished the motor power for the won- 
derful and, in many instances, terrible deeds which shed glory 
and gloom over the Spain and Portugal of this century. 






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OUTLINE OF A NEW PHILOSOPHY OF MONEY. 



BY A2TSON J. WEBB. 



I. Introductory. 

It must be understood by the reader that the following dis- 
cussion is a limited discussion. In compressing the subject to 
the dimensions required by the space at command I can only 
hope to carry the logical faculty through the heart of the theme. 
It is like a hasty trip on an express train. You catch a passing 
glimpse of what Hes along the line of the railway, but of the 
country through which you are passing you get but a faint 
impression. My subject properly demands the larger freedom 
of treatment which a volume would render possible. Under- 
standing this limitation, the reader will not expect too much. 
If questions arise that are not answered, and if I appear to over- 
look this or that point, the limitation is presumably the reason. 

I would also have it understood that I am speaking not to 
imagination, but to the logical powers of my reader. We have 
had a surfeit, it seems to me, of fancy pictures of the " new 
order " just about to dawn. The rising sun of social reform 
has cast many queer shadows across the landscape for which 
you will search in vain later in the day. I believe firmly that 
this " dreaming " mood ought to stop before long. The dream 
stage is just between waking and sleeping, and ought to be a 
brief one. We shall not be fully awake till we get down from 
this exalted mood of fancy and "prophecy " to the cold, rigid 
processes of logic. It is fact, not fiction ; stern, philosophic 
logic, not vague longing and transcendental enthusiasm, that 
will in the end reveal to our feet the path of social progress. 
We shall walk into the "new order" on our lame and limping 
logical feet ; we shall not fly on the wings of fantasy nor on 
the " wings of the morning." I therefore wish my reader to 
assume a logical attitude, not a fantastic mood. I shall give 
him reasons, not pictures ; concepts, not objective visions. 

II. The Point of Departure. 

I shall not attempt to systematize my thought. I am not to 
formulate my theorems into a systematic science, but rather to 

199 



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200 



THE ABENA. 



treat my subject in the somewhat looser method of a philosophi- 
cal argument. I therefore wish to begin at the practical end of 
the theme. 

This practical end is the existing usury system. I start from 
the mathematical proposition that the law of usury involves the 
"geometrical series." Let me put the proposition in formal 
shape. Let M be any variable body of capital. Let r be the 
rate of interest. (This may also be a variable.) Let e represent 
the expenses (net) of the capitalist. As this 
element of the problem only varies within cer- 
tain limits usually we may let e be a constant. 
This will simplify the formula somewhat. The 
interest we will represent by x. Since x is a 
function of r and M, i. e., since x = rM, we see 
that x is also a variable. Now let us analyze. 

If e is greater than x, then M is diminished 
by the differential e — x. If this continues M 
will vary toward zero, and in 
passing through zero of course 
vanishes. The fortune M is then 
said to be dissipated. But as x 
is a variable there must be some 
value, as x',at which e — x' = ; 
and as x continues to vary to a 
third value, as 
v x", our differ- 

ential becomes 
* * * ^ ^ positive in its 
*" relation to IVi. 
Then M ceases 
to diminish and begins 
to increase by the differ- 
ential x" — e. These 
conditions can be made 
to appear by causing 
either M or r to vary. If 
M remains a constant 
and r increases, it causes 
x to increase, and for 
some value of r, as r 7 , 
Fi s- *• x will be greater than e. 

Or making r constant and causing M to vary, we get the same 
result, viz., that x must become greater than e. 

This analysis shows that it makes no difference what the rate 
of interest may be. For any rate assignable the conditions may 
be made such that M increases thereafter by no other cause save 




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r 



A NEW PHILOSOPHY OF MONEY. 201 

the constant addition of the differential x — e to M. When this 
occurs we have fallen under the range of the law known as the 
"geometrical series."* We can no more escape from these con- 
ditions, when once they become established, than a tree that has 
fallen to the earth can rise again. The nth term of an interest 
series may be made greater than any assigned finite quantity, 
and as the total wealth of the world must always be finite, it is 
mathematically certain that the capitalist must ultimately " gain 
the whole world. "f This fact, which the mathematical analysis 
I have just given takes forever out of the field of debate, is the 
point of departure in the practical study of the money problem. 
The first leap of our logic is out from this merciless decree of 
Fate. No one cares to argue with Fate. And yet I know a 
man who prides himself upon his mathematical acumen, who 
scoffs at the idea of a plutocracy. Such are the logical miracles 
of human thought! Fate here speaks to human reason. Here 
is a riddle from the Sphinx. Solve it or be devoured. Take 
your choice ! 

* An interest series is always an implicit geometrical series, for by taking the 
unit of time large enough we can always make the conditions at any assigned rate 
such that whenever the interest falls due it will be found that the interest just 
equals the principal. £. g., suppose the rate is ten per cent and we make the interest 
fall due once in ten years. The interest at date of maturity will then always just 
equal the principal, and we fall into a geometrical series, with the ratio two, and ten 
▼ears as the time-unit. Of course by compounding at shorter intervals a more rapid 
Increase results : i. e.,the smaller ttie time-unit, the more rapidly divergent is the 
aeries. (See also the following note.) But perhaps the real meaning of a geometrical 
series can be most vividly shown by a geometrical diagram. See previous page. 

In Fig. 1, 2AB = AB', 2AB' = AB". etc., i. e., the lines AB, AB', AB", etc., are in 
geometrical progression, with the ratio 2. Draw the dotted lines OB, Blv, B' B", etc., 
and produce them to T, T, T", etc., respectively. It will be observed that the lines 
OT, BT / , BT", etc., tend to assume a position that is at right angles to OS. It will 
also be discerned that it makes but little difference what our initial angle of diver- 
gence f AOB) may be, the dotted line very soon finds a position perpendicular to OS. 
This simply shows that the rate of Interest is of but little consequence: the law is 
everything. This law is a veritable tiger let loose among men ; his stomach doubles 
its capacity every night and his appetite is potentially infinite. The wonder of the 
world is that human greed can keep pace with this wild beast ! 

t As the mathematical proof of this theorem offers an interesting example of alge- 
braical logic, I subjoin an analysis of the reasoning. It appears that e, being a con- 
stant and not a variable, is not an essential factor in the logic of the problem. We 
therefore reject it. The terras of our series will then be developed as follows : 1st term 
= M. 2d term = M + rM, i. e., M (1 + r). The 3d term will be in the form M' (1 + r), 
it being understood that M' = the 2d term ; i. e., M (1 + r). Hence 3d term = 
M (1 + r) (1 + r). The 4th term will be in the form M" (1 + r) and M" will « the 3d 
term ; i. e., 4th term = M (1 + r) (1 + r) (1 + r). 

The law of the series is now apparent and will be clear if we rewrite the formulas 
as follows : 1st term = M. 2d term = M (1 +r). 3d term = M (1 + r)». 4th term « 
M (1 + r)». The nth term will be = M (1 + r)»- 1 . 

If now we expand these expressions by the Binomial Theorem we shall find that M 
is always multiplied by 1 + ar + other terms involving higher powers of r. The value 
of a will always be one less than the number of the term of the series ; i. e., in the nth 
term we have M multiplied by [1 + (n — l)r + other terms involving higher powers of 
rl. If r be less than unltv, then the higher powers of r will at some point begin to rep- 
resent a diminishing series. But as no power of r can be as small as zero, it is clenr 
that no negative element can ever miter the series. Let us therefore neglect all that 
follows (n — l)r. If we consider this one term alone it is clear that the multiplier of 
M can be made as large as we may elect by choosing n large enough, as the coefficient 
of r, i. e ( n — I) , can be made as large as we please and no negative term can ever fol- 
low it. *77i« nth term of the interest series can therefore be made greater than any 
assigned quantity, if we take n large enough, q. e. d. 



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202 



THE ARENA. 



III. Relation of the Usury System to the Money Supply. 

We must always remember Kant's pet question, "Houo is it 
possible?" How is the usury system possible? What does 
interest-taking postulate ? What are the conditions under which 
interest-taking becomes possible? Right here our ship's prow 
cleaves its way through the first incoming billow. What condi- 
tions must exist in order that usury may be a natural possibility ? 
Consider well the answer to this question, for right here is the 
jutting rock upon which every existing philosophy of money 
must go to the bottom of the sea, never to be resurrected. The 
usury system is built upon the fact that the money supply is less 
than the money demand. It is only thus that interest becomes 
possible. The usury system is founded upon the idea of money 
value ; and money value is founded upon the law of supply and 
demand. That is an important proposition ; read it again. 

How does money get its " value " ? " Value " here means 
"market value," and it is the function of supply and demand. 
" Value " here represents the differential of supply and demand. 
Valuer Demand— Supply. Unless supply falls short of demand 
there is no " value." Value is here exactly analogous to steam 
pressure in the engine. The working pressure is the differential 
of the absolute steam pressure minus the atmospheric pressure. 
If the absolute pressure is forty-five pounds and the atmospheric 
pressure is fifteen pounds, then your working pressure is 45—15 
= 30 lbs. If the absolute pressure is fifteen pounds and the at- 
mosphere is fifteen pounds, then your working energy is 15—15 
=0. The engine will do no work. If the money supply falls 
short of the money demand, then money has " working energy " 
and will command interest. If the money supply equals the 
money demand then money will have no " working energy," and 
will command no interest. 

Now in heaven's name I entreat you, do not confuse thought 
here. One dizzy whirl of the brain and you are lost. Does 
money part with its functions when it reaches this status ? An- 
swer this question right, for heretofore it has been answered 
wrong. My fiat friend affirms that an unlimited money is a 
"worthless" money. Money becomes " worthless " when sup- 
ply = demand. It then ceases to have "value," that is, it ceases 
to command interest. It is right here that the whole discussion 
of the money problem has gone under the waves. We have been 
fooled by this mirage called " value." We have overlooked the 
fact that " value " and " utility " are two distinct matters. When 
the money supply equals the money demand money loses its 
" value " ; it does not lose its utility. Until this is understood it 
is useless to proceed another inch. The air we breathe has no 
commercial "value." Is it therefore useless? Does a thing 



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A NEW PHILOSOPHY OP MONEY. 203 

cease to be good because it becomes great ? Is God of no account 
because He is infinite ? Is the sea nothing to us because it is' 
mighty? Are the galaxies of the night contemptible because 
they are grand ? Is a thing ugly because it is beautiful ? A 
queer philosophy it is that has taken possession of our political 
economy! Your horse is valuable in proportion to his appetite. 
Starvation is the making of him ! Reduce him to skin and bones 
and he will be priceless. Make him fat and sleek, fill his muscu- 
lar tissue with subtle chemical energies, and he is worthless. 
Funny, isn't it? An intellectual miracle is modern economics ! 
Its intellectual acumen is on a par with its ethical status. The 
intellect and soul of the hog are well mated ! The logic and the 
moral heart of this generation match well together. Does money 
lose its function when it loses " commercial value "? This ques- 
tion must now have its answer. 

IV. TJie Definition of Money. 

What is money ? Let us first analyze another question. What 
is air? It is one of the elements upon which life depends. Now 
let me picture to you the present economic philosophy by means 
of an allegory. Air is the basis of life. A man will do much in 
order to get breath. There is a " demand " for air. Yonder is an 
air-tight chamber in which I see a vast multitude of human beings ; 
and not only human beings but the beasts of the field. I look again 
and on the roof of this air-tight chamber I behold a strange device. 
My interpreting angel tells me that it is an air-pump. What pur- 
pose does it serve ? You shall see. I look through the window 
plates and I behold an engine. Men are standing about the 
machine and marvelling at its wonderful mechanism. An en- 
gineer stands at the lever and the engine begins to move its 
mighty piston. What is all this for? To work the air-pump. 
Why do these men wish to work that air-pump ? In order that 
there may arise within a "demand" for air. They believe in 
the law of u supply and demand." Air must have "value." 
They propose to give it " value " ; so the mighty piston contin- 
ues to work. But men are gasping for breath ! Even the beasts 
of the field are seized by panic, and run to and fro with gaping 
jaws. Out upon such a dastardly scheme! What good can 
come from it ? You shall see. It is a glorious invention. Wait 
till you see it all. The gasping increases as the mighty piston 
moves backwards and forwards, and the poor wretches begin to 
cry out for air. They run to and. fro seeking to " borrow." But 
can anyone lend them air to breathe ? Oh, yes ! You have not 
seen the whole plan yet. Look in through this window and be- 
hold for yourself . You see those compartments ? Well, in those 
you will find certain ones called " capitalists." They lend to the 



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204 THE ABENA. 

gasping multitude and take " mortgages." But wjiere do they 
get the air that they lend ? Do they let it in from without? No 
Look again. I tell you this is ingenious. What a noble creature 
is man ! How godlike — or devil-like — in invention ! In those 
dark-chambered compartments you will find smaller engines and 
smaller air-pumps. The " capitalist " pumps his air out of the 
larger chamber. Then he " lets out " the air " at interest," and 
takes a mortgage on the carcass of the poor wretch to whom he 
lends. And so the damnable process goes on. 

You shout to the engineer of the great engine and demand 
that he stop the machine. 

He answers you in the language of the modern economist: 
" My dear sir, you do not understand economic laws. If I stop 
this engine the air from without will rush in and we shall have 
an « unlimited supply.' There will then cease to be any « eco- 
nomic demand.' The < capitalist' will perish. Air must have 
4 value ' ; and in order that it may have value, there must be a 
« limit ' put upon the supply. We cannot let the supply equal 
the demand. The instant this is done these wretches will stop 
gasping for breath and our whole noble science of < economics' 
will go flat to the ground. I advise you to apply for admission 
to some lunatic asylum. Do not question the wisdom of the ages. 
This method is as old as man. It has been the law of the world 
ever since the serpent entered the bowers of paradise. Our 
science is as old as human greed. Go and be cured of your 
lunacy and do not question the institutions of history." 

Now let us have the question. What is the true concept of 
money ? Has this concept anything to do with the law of supply 
and demand ? Would air cease to be air if that engine should 
stop working? Would the chemical constitution of the atmos- 
phere change if the supply should be free ? We are told that 
universal ruin would come to society if the money supply should 
once become equal to the demand. If this trait of "value" 
should depart from money it would bring on the judgment day 
in a jiffy. Well, do you believe it ? If the air supply should 
become free would men cease to breathe ? If the money supply 
should become free would men cease to buy and sell? Do not 
insult your own intelligence. You know better. You know that 
" value " as used in modern economics is an artificial product. 
There could never be any " value " if there were not the prior fact 
of utility. This artificial " value " assumes a natural demand. 
The men in our exhausted receiver gasp for breath because the 
habit of breathing was pre^stablished. If breathing existed 
before the engine began to work, it will probably persist after 
the engine stops. This assumption that money will lose its 
utility when it loses the qualification denoted by the technical 



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NEW PHILOSOPHY OF MONEY. 205 

term " value " contradicts its own premises. The proposition is 
too silly to be contemptible. 

What, then, is the fact? Just this: This dogma of supply 
and demand has obscured the true nature of money. We have 
been looking at money from a false point of view. We have 
been construing our money theories from the standpoint of 
dynamics. This is where our mistake has been, and it has been 
a fatal one. Money has nothing at all to do with dynamics. It 
has been subjected to dynamic conditions simply because an 
artificial problem has been raised by depressing supply below 
demand. The instant that supply rises to a level with demand 
this artificial problem vanishes and the philosophy of money 
escapes like a freed bird in the heavens. The philosophy of 
money will then rise out of the mudhole of materialism into the 
pure atmosphere of ethics. Money must be studied from the 
standpoint of ethics, not from the standpoint of mechanics. 
Money is an ethical fact. 

Money is evidence. If I possess money, it argues that I have 
parted with wealth in some form, and my money is simply a 
proof that J have the ethical right to regain my wealth. My 
money is my witness to what I have done. When I present 
money I present evidence. Money is evidence ; it is proof ; it 
witnesseth. 

From this point of view how absurd is the dynamic concept of 
money which makes it depend on the law of supply and demand. 
Our present philosophers say that money is valuable in propor- 
tion to its scarcity. Is evidence valuable in proportion to its 
scarcity? Can you prove more with one witness than you can 
with forty? No, no. The value of proof depends not on its 
quantity but on its quality. It is not how much but how good 
is your evidence. The test of evidence is truth. The test of 
money is truth. Does my money witness a truth or does it 
witness a lie? That is the question, and the only question. 
The counterfeit dollar is a liar. It bears false witness. What 
it witnesses to never happened. It arose out of no exchange. It 
is "fiat" and therefore absolutely worthless and morally vicious. 

My definition destroys both the philosophy of the metal list 
and the philosophy of the fiat theorist. Money is not metal ; it 
is not material. It is an ethical fact, not a commodity. It is 
not fiat. It arises out of a real transaction ; it is the record of 
the transaction. It is not fiat any more than history is fiat. 
Money is truth. The fiat dollar is a lie ; the material dollar is a 
thing. Any money that tells the truth is good. Its quantity is 
of no account. One truth is not weakened by another truth. 
All that is essential to good money is, therefore, that it arise 
out of a real exchange. If it does not spring from a real ex- 



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206 THE ABENA. 

change it is a liar and must meet the damnation that awaits all 
liars. Money is a part of ethics, and dynamic laws have nothing 
at all to do with its philosophy. The philosophy of money must 
emerge from its stage of materialism and advance to the realm 
of ethics. Till this is done there will be, .there can be, no refor- 
mation in society. Money is the key. If the key be lost you will 
not get through the door. A true philosophy of money is there- 
fore the next step in social reform. 

VI The Mechanism of a Free Money Supply. 

Again Kant's question confronts us: How is it possible? 
How is a free money supply possible? By what mechanism 
shall an infinite money system be achieved ? 

First of all I direct attention to the fact that there must be a 
mechanism. The dollar is not an orphan ; it is born of parents ; 
it grows out of something. It is the product of a mechanism. 
What is tljat mechanism ? Is that point clear in your mind ? 

I beg my reader also to note that the problem I am now rais- 
ing is not a philosophical one. The philosophy of money is 
stated when we have stated the nature of the money concept. I 
have demonstrated my philosophical concept and now I have to 
show by what mechanism this concept can be realized. 

It is a common postulate that the state is the money-issuing 
power. As a loose and careless way of stating an uncritical fact 
I have no objection to that proposition. But we must analyze 
the proposition. Is the state the sole agent in issuing money ? 
The state makes money. A flour mill makes flour. But the 
flour mill does not make flour out of nothing. It must have 
wheat to grind or there is no flour. The state makes money, 
but it does not make money out of nothing. The state must 
have something to put in the hopper or no money will come out 
of the mill. The state must have material to grind. Where 
does this material come from ? The state issues a paper indent- 
ure called a silver certificate. The silver was put into the hop- 
per and the certificate came out of the mill. Where did the sil- 
ver come from ? Some one brought it to the mint. Now this 
" some one " is one of the agencies in the issue of money. The 
state is merely a machine. It will make no money unless some 
intelligent and free being chooses to put the silver bullion into 
the hopper. The free agent in this transaction is that "intelli- 

f;ent and free being" who brings the grist to mill. There is no 
reedom in the mill. The mill is so much inanimate machinery. 
The state is a party to the issue of money, but it is not a volun- 
tary party. It acts as any mechanism acts. It makes money 
just as yonder engine draws the train. There is an intelligent 
and free agent in the problem, but it is not the state. The state 



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NEW PHILOSOPHY OF MONEY. 207 

knows nothing and wills nothing ; it simply acts as an automaton 
acts. The wood-pile tumbles down, and you cry out, " There is 
a nigger in that wood-pile." Now it is this " nigger " that we 
are after. We want him because he is the moral factor in that 
wood-pile. The question is, Is this nigger a free nigger? 

Here is the whole question of " free coinage." Free coinage 
asserts that it is a free nigger. Now that is the whole sum and 
substance of my proposition for a free money supply. A free 
money supply means a free nigger in the wood-pile. The wood- 
pile is the state and the nigger is the individual. 

But what does a free nigger mean ? Does it mean free coin- 
age of gold bullion? Yes; but it also means more. Your 
nigger is hot very much of a free nigger if he can only have the 
right to stir the particles of gold that may be in the wood-pile. 
He must not only be free as regards gold but he must be free as 
regards silver, too. He is not much of a free nigger if he has 
no option in regard to silver. To free coinage of gold must be 
added free coinage of silver. Is that all ? Have you now got a 
free nigger? Hardly ! 

Well, when will your nigger really become free ? I will give 
the answer in one word: When the right of free coinage is ex- 
tended to all forms of wealth. When the right exists to convert 
any form of wealth into cash through the mechanism of the 
state, then, and not till then, will the nigger go free. When 
that happens the mechanism of exchange will have become the 
function of the state, and the slave will have burst at last his 
fetters. The money supply, therefore, becomes free when ex- 
change becomes a function of the state. Oh, " nationalism," is 
it ? That is it exactly — nationalism ! 

This, then, is my proposition : The nationalization of exchange 
is the solution of the money problem. It renders the money 
supply free and removes from money all restriction as regards 
quantity. This at one stroke delivers money from its bondage 
to the law of supply and demand. The money supply would at 
once spring to the level of the money demand. The fulcrum of 
the usurer's lever would then have vanished, and the system of 
usury would fall of its own weight. 

The nationalization of exchange involves the nationalization 
of the mechanism of exchange. The mechanism of exchange 
involves the railway and telegraph systems, the storage and 
retail distribution of wealth, and a nationalistic banking system. 

Then see how apt becomes our concept of money. I deliver 
my wealth (so much of it as I please) to the state, and the state 
issues to me a certificate ol deposit. That certificate is my evi- 
dence. It is my witness. It is the state's testimony to my act. 
That testimony is good, for the witness of the state no one will 



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208 THE ARENA. 

gainsay. Furthermore the state is pledged to redeem its testi- 
mony by delivering up my wealth again or its equivalent. The 
state simply holds my wealth in trust. The true nature of 
money then becomes apparent in practice as well as in theory. 
It is clearly an ethical fact. Truth is its only test. The ques- 
tion of volume of the currency has no import whatever. 

Can you solve the problem in any other way ? I can see no 
other way. There is no other way in which the money supply 
can be raised to the level of the money demand. You cannot 
increase the money supply without you extend the idea of free 
coinage to other forms of wealth than gold and silver. And 
unless you increase the money supply till it equals the demand 
you cannot overthrow the usury system ; and unless the system 
of usury is uprooted and cast into hell mathematics tells you what 
you may look for. There is but one solution to this riddle of 
the Sphinx, and that is a free money supply, which involves the 
mechanism of a nationalized system of exchange. 



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HON. J. E. ROWEN, ^-P 

Senator of Imva. 



HON. W. H. LYON 



State Representative 
of Kent ttx rky. 






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OPPOSING VIEWS BY LEGISLATORS ON TIE 
AGE OP CONSENT. -A SYMPOSIUM. 



Last January, the editor of the ARENA printed a symposium 
on what are usually called the age-of-consent laws, a title the 
meaning of which would be better understood if changed to the 
age-of-protection laws. One of tliese articles requested any and 
all legislators in the United States, who approve of this age 
being less than eighteen years, to write his or their reasons for 
such belief, or for having voted to make the age of protection 
for girls in his state lower than the age at which the laws of 
that state held that she had sufficient knowledge and judgment 
and experience to marry, make a will or deed, or transact any 
other important matter in which a knowledge of the contents 
and force of a contract were necessary. 

A constituent of each of the nearly 9,000 legislators wrote 
a private letter to his member, urging him to respond. The 
result was simply tremendous. The ARENA office was deluged 
with replies from every state. But, significantly enough, most 
of the law-makers hastened to 6ay that they were wholly 
opposed to the laws fixing the low ages then in force in the 
majority of states, and that they would do all in their power to 
protect tne girl children of their respective states until they 
were eighteen years of age, and could be assumed to possess 
sufficient knowledge and experience to judge for and guide 
themselves. Many of the letters were long aiid well written and 
full of purpose. There were, however, a number of legislators 
in each state who were wholly 6ilent — who made no reply at 
all ; but there were only two in the whole United States who 
responded with a defence of the low age. One of these was 
Representative A. C. Tompkins, of Owensboro, Ky.; the other 
was Representative C. H. Robinson, of Iowa. These two are 
absolutely the only law-makers, out of nearly 9,000 appealed to, 
who were willing to sign their names to an argument upon this 
side and let their constituents know it. The others who voted 
that way were simply silent. Since these two states will be 
given unenviable prominence in this matter, it is only fair to them 
to say that a large number of letters and articles on the other 
side came from these states also. And since Kentucky and Iowa 
furnish the only law-makers who are willing to go before the 



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210 THE ABBNA. 

public and the women of their states with a printed public 
defence in favor of holding a child of twelve or thirteen years 
equally guilty of her own social and physical destruction with 
her companion, although he might be forty years of age, it is 
deemed fair to these two states that in this same issue one of 
the articles submitted in favor of a higher age be printed also. 
Thus we have given absolutely all the arguments in favor of a 
low age which have been sent by law-makers, while it would be 
impossible, even if a half year of the ARENA were devoted to 
this alone, to print all the papers submitted by legislators who 
believe that the age of majority should be also the age of pro- 
tection. 

Meantime, the legislatures of thirty-two states have been in 
session during the winter and spring. In most of these the bill 
to make the age of protection eighteen years has been intro- 
duced and argued. In some it has failed of passage ; in some it 
is still pending ; in two — California and New Hampshire — it 
passed and was vetoed by the governor ; and in a number it has 
become a law. 

The empire state of New York has led the world in its bill 
and in the action taken by its men of .science. The two State 
, Medical Societies (Allopathic and Homoeopathic) passed 
resolutions demanding this legislation in the interest of public 
health and future generations. The legislature passed it with 
but one dissenting vote (Representative John P. Madden) on 
the final ballot, and the governor signed the bill April 27. It is 
in some regards the most stringent bill presented by any 
state. 

The claim that "You can't legislate morality into people," 
and that " This is a mere question of morals, with which law 
should not meddle," etc., will be effectively met by the medical 
arguments to be presented later on, when all the reports are in, 
and the final record and remodelled " Black List" are made. It 
is a noticeable feature that in several instances associated-press 
dispatches were sent out stating that the bill had passed in a 
given state, and the record was sent to this office with marked 
copy of the dispatch, but that afterward the bill would be 
recalled, resubmitted, and defeated. Evidently the desire was 
to get the credit for what was not done. No state feels proud 
of a low position in the "Black List." It is but just to add 
that one physician in California (not a legislator), a provision- 
dealer in Louisiana, a woman in Kansas, and some person sign- 
ing " A mother of boys and girls " also sent what they believed 
to be arguments in favor of a low age. This is absolutely all. 
To give two (the entire number submitted by legislators) of 
these six is more than a fair hearing to that side. It would be 



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LEGISLATOBS ON THE AGE OP CONSENT. 211 

impossible to give one-third of those received which favored 
protecting youth against its own ignorance or folly until it shall 
have arrived at an age when maturity of judgment enables the 
lawmakers to say : 

" From this date you must depend upon your own judgment^ 
and if you wreck your chances of happiness, health, and success 
in life by your own deliberate choice, you must bear the conse- 
quences and the penalties which will fall. Until now we guarded 
not only you, but society, against your ignorance, for society 
cannot afford to be swamped by diseased men and women whose 
life-blood was polluted before they understood." 

HELEN H. GARDENER. 

IOWA. 

The Age op Consent, So-Called. 

In the January number of the ARENA there appeared a 
series of articles under the title, " The Shame of America — 
The Age of Consent Laws in the United States." The good 
ladies, ministers, and physicians who wrote the articles have 
neglected to quote a single line from any of the statutes which 
they so sweepingly condemn as being contrary to the interests 
of morality and chastity, and enacted for the special benefit of 
the moral lepers who prowl through the world devouring the 
young and the innocent ; and I am satisfied, from the lack of 
knowledge of statutes displayed in the said articles, the writers 
have never even read the statutes against which they declaim so 
violently. The fact is, they have with one accord accepted the 
theory that the laws of most of the states permit the violator of 
female virtue to go scot free and un whipped of justice, if his 
victim is over the so-called age of consent and he is able to 
show that she consented to the act. Their favorite expression 
is, that by reason of these laws u a young girl may legally con- 
sent to her own ruin." 

One contributor says : 

The age-of-consent legislation is so entirely foreign to Christianity, 
so inconsistent with Christian civilization, that we are compelled to 
wonder whence it came. It violates every principle of purity which 
Christ laid down in His interpretation of the seventh commandment. 
The follies of society and the fires of lust are not sufficient to create 
such an outrage on womanhood. It must be a heritage from some 
dark past. 

He then proceeds, ad nauseam, with the unsavory details of 
sex worship as practised by the Syrians, Babylonians, Greeks, 
and other pagan nations of antiquity, and closes with a fiery 
peroration in which he demands that all age-of-consent laws be 



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212 <~ THE ARENA. 

erased. The whole article shows the writer's utter ignorance 
of the so-called age-ot-consent laws. 
Another contributor says : 

"Such legislation is directly in the interest of vice. The line is 
drawn just where those interested in vice would have it. It is certainly 
as illogical as cruel, that at an age when a girl's consent is not held 
sufficient for legal marriage, it should be held sufficient to justify her 
destruction. A man may not legally marry the minor daughter of 
another without his consent, but he is legally free to seduce her if he 
can. 

Another says : 

Thus unchastity is criminal up to the age of consent; after that it is 
immoral, but not criminal. 

No such a state of affairs exists as is depicted by these writers. 
There is no state in the Union in which a marriage is illegal 
simply because the bride is a minor and has married without 
the consent of her guardian. The statutes simply punish those 
who aid and abet such a marriage, but the marriage itself is 
legal. Neither is there any state in which a man is free to se- 
duce a minor if he can ; and as to unchastity being criminal up 
to the age of consent and only immoral but not criminal there- 
after, I doubt if the writer can himself explain his meaning after 
he shall have read one or more of the statutes against which he 
is indulging in so much invective. 

I do not question the sincerity of the writers of these articles. 
Each one evidently believes that each of the states, except Kan- 
sas and Montana, has upon its statute-book a law authorizing 
and legalizing the seduction of all females over the so-called 
age of consent. 

A careful examination of these statutes will satisfy these re- 
formers that I am right when I say there are no age-of-consent 
laws such as they are fighting; in fact, there are no age-of- 
consent laws at all. The expression is one coined by attorneys 
and courts for convenience in speaking of certain features in 
the law for the punishment of rape, by which its severe penal- 
ties, death in several of the states, and imprisonment for life in 
the others, are extended to a class of offenders who would other- 
wise escape the severest punishment. These laws, then, instead 
of being in the interest of vice, and for the purpose of permit- 
ting the escape of lecherous scoundrels who prey upon the igno- 
rance of young girls, are for the very opposite purpose of pro- 
tecting virtue and chastity, and of meting out to those same 
lecherous scoundrels the severest punishments known to the 
law ; and any reputable judge or attorney will bear me out in 
the statement that such is not only their purpose, but also their 
effect. 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 213 

Most if not all those who are so urgently advocating the rais- 
ing of the age of consent, so-called, to eighteen, have confounded 
in their own minds the two crimes of rape and seduction. Rape 
is the carnal knowledge of a woman forcibly and against her 
will ; but if it appears that she has consented to the intercourse, 
it cannot be punished as rape, but it may still be punished as 
seduction if it appears from the evidence that her consent was 
secured by means of false promises, flattery, pretended court- 
ship, promise of marriage, or other seductive arts. 

The law-makers of the several states, however, for the pur- 
pose of visiting condign punishment upon the inhuman brutes 
who would take advantage of the ignorance and innocence of 
very young girls by procuring their consent to an act of the 
nature of which they could know but little, have engrafted upon 
the statute for the punishment of rape a clause which makes 
sexual intercourse alone with these very young girls, rape, and 
punishable as such ; and the villain is not .permitted to have his 
punishment mitigated by showing that his victim consented to 
the act. This legislation is based upon the proposition that a 
very young girl can have no such sufficient knowledge of the act 
or its consequences as to give any intelligent consent.* 

Criminal homicide is the unlawful killing of a human being, 
and yet the law visits the highest penalty only upon the man 
who is found guilty of murder in the first degree ; but how 
unfair it would be to say that a murderer was allowed to go 
scot free, simply because the circumstances in that particular 
case were such that the homicide was punishable in a different 
manner than by death or imprisonment for life. To determine 
whether the laws of any state fairly protect life, as far as the 
law may be a protection, all the laws of the state for the punish- 
ment of homicide and felonious assault must be examined ; and 
to determine whether the laws of a state fairly protect virtue, in 
so far as the law may be a protection, all the statutes of the 
state punishing the violation of female chastity or attempts 
against it must be considered. 

The space into which such an article must be condensed will 
not admit of a synopsis of the laws of each state, but as they 
are all substantially the same I shall quote from the statutes of 
Iowa. 

Section 3861 of our Code provides : 

If any person ravish and carnally know any female of the age of 
thirteen or more, by force and against her will, or carnally know and 
abase any female child under, the age of thirteen years, he shall be 

•This paragraph explains and answers itself. All we claim is that until a girl is 
eighteen, she is entitled to this latter protection, and that it is rape up to that time, 
eren if she consents. H. H. 6. 



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214 THE ABBNA. 

punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for life or any term of 
years. 

Is there anything in that statute repugnant to the teachings 
of Christianity ? Is there anything there which is so horrible that 
it must be a heritage from some dark past? And yet this is one 
of the offensive laws which the so-called reformers are crying 
down as a disgrace to civilization and a shame to America.* 

Section 3863 provides : 

If any person unlawfully have carnal knowledge of any female by 
administering to her any substance, or by any other means producing 
such stupor, or such imbecility of mind or weakness of body, as to pre- 
vent effectual resistance, or have such carnal knowledge of any idiot 
or any female naturally of such imbecility of mind or weakness of body 
as to prevent effectual resistance, he shall upon conviction be punished 
as provided in the section relating to ravishment (3861). 

Our supreme court, in construing what shall be considered as 
amounting to consent, has held that even where the female is 
over the age of thirteen, if she be still very young, with a mind 
not enlightened to the nature of the act to which it is claimed 
she consented, the jury should demand much more clear and 
convincing evidence of consent than if she were older, better 
informed, and more intelligent; for while consent implies sub- 
mission, submission does not necessarily imply consent; and the 
mere submission of a young and uninformed female in the hands 
of a strong man cannot be taken to show consent.f 

There are other laws upon our statute books for the protection 
of chastity. 

Section 3865 of the Code provides : 

If any person take or entice away any unmarried female under the 
age of eighteen years from her father, mother, guardian, or other person 
having the legal charge of her person, for the purpose of prostitution, 
he shall upon conviction be punished by imprisonment in the peniten- 
tiary for not more than three years, or by fine of not more than one 
thousand dollars and imprisonment in the county jail for not more than 
one year.J 

• This is the one law with which we are dealing. We simply object to limiting the 
age to thirteen. The italics are mine. We insist that the state should hold that until 
a girl is eighteen it is rape whether she consents or not, because she is not of age to 
comprehend the results to herself when she is under that age. and hence cannot "con- 
sent'' so as to make a mere civil wrong out of that which is in fact a crime against 
her and against the state by reason of the results unappreciated by her because of 
her immatured judgment. H. H. G. 

t Which merely proves our case, and that the supreme court recognizes that she is 
incompetent to consent at thirteen, and the law should so state. This is our whole 
claim. We are glad to know that it has been so held by the Iowa supreme court. It 
remains only, then, for the legislature to stand by its own highest court to pass the 
law we ask. H. H. G. 

tThe fatal little "or" in this law makes it a finable offence, which allows to 
escape the very ones who are the most guilty, or reduces a possible term of imprison- 
ment to a jail term of only one year. H. H. G. 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OP CONSENT. 215 

In construing this statute our supreme court has held that 
even though the defendant believed and had good reason to 
believe that the female was more than eighteen years of age, it 
should be no defence if the fact was otherwise. 

Our statute for the punishment of seduction, section 3867 of 
the Code, provides : 

If any person seduce and debauch any unmarried woman of previously 
chaste character, he shall be punished by imprisonment in the peniten- 
tiary for not more than five years, or by a fine not exceeding one thousand 
dollars and imprisonment in the county jail not exceeding one year. 

Does that section license the seduction of any female of what- 
ever age ? 

All the courts of this country in passing upon questions raised 
in seduction cases have construed the laws most liberally for the 
protection of virtue and most stringently against its destroyer. 
It has been held in this state that a representation by the de- 
fendant that the act was in itself innocent, and promising pres- 
ents in a particular case, was sufficient to sustain a conviction ; 
and in numerous cases it has been held that any artifice, promise, 
flattery, deception, or the like will be sufficient to sustain a con- 
viction. 

Section 3873 provides that, for an assault with intent to com- 
mit rape, the defendant may be punished by imprisonment in 
the penitentiary for twenty years.* 

Section 4008 provides that adultery maybe punished by impris- 
onment in the penitentiary for three years or by fine and im- 
prisonment in the county jail ; and the keeper of a house of 
ill-fame, or anyone, who entices a woman of previously chaste 
.character to enter such a house may also be punished by impris- 
onment in the penitentiary ; and heavy fines and imprisonments 
are provided for the punishment of those who are guilty of 
indecent exposure and other acts of lewdness. 

The advocates of a change in the law raising the age of con- 
sent, so-called, to eighteen years, always contemplate that the 
victim is of previous chaste character ; and yet it is a fact as 
true as it is deplorable, that the majority of the inmates of houses 
of ill- fame have fallen long before they have arrived at that agej 
The reason why the law will not permit a defendant charged 
with the ravishment of a child under the age of thirteen to plead 

* All good so far as they go, but the one point aimed at Is not met by these laws. 
No one denies that these are good. We simply ask that the legislature of Iowa do 
what Mr. Robinson says the supreme court does, namely, hold that even if the child is 
over thirteen (up to eighteen) she is too immature to be (legally) competent to give 
" consent," and therefore all such relation with her is punishable as rape. 

H. H. G. 

t Which proves all the more the necessity of protecting the girls under eighteen. 

H.H.G. 



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216 THE AEBNA. 

consent as a defence, is because it holds the presumption to be 
conclusive that on account of her ignorance of the act and its 
consequences she can give no intelligent consent. But it is 
evident that this presumption can no longer obtain in the case 
of one who has been deflowered ;. then to change the words 
thirteen to eighteen in said section 3861 of our statute would 
render a man or boy liable to imprisonment for life for yielding 
to the solicitation of a prostitute who had long before been 
despoiled of her virginity, if she happened to be under eighteen 
years of age, a punishment so enormous as compared with the 
offence that it needs no argument to condemn it. 

It seems strange to us that not one of the advocates of the 
theory that the so-called age-of-consent laws are in the interest 
of vice has had the fairness to quote bodily the statutes to which 
they object, so that your readers may have the opportunity to 
see for themselves whether they will bear the construction put 
upon them by the writers in your January number. After a 
careful reading of all those articles I am forced to the conclu- 
sion that the writers have never read the statutes under discus- 
sion, or that if they have it has not been with any clear under- 
standing of their purpose and effect, and in connection with the 
other laws of the state for the protection of virtue and the 
punishment of vice. 

I would therefore suggest to those writers that if they desire 
to be fair, and I hope they do, they should read carefully the 
statutes above mentioned, and then talk with some reputable 
lawyer having an experience in criminal practice, or some judge 
of a trial court, in regard to the object and effect of the so- 
called age-of-consent laws, and they will then be prepared to 
write articles on the subject without wasting so much invective 
against laws which do not exist, and so much energy in pound- 
ing straw men of their own creation. 

C. H. ROBINSON [Democrat]. 
Des Moines, Iowa. 

It appears that the " respectable judges and lawyers '» of the Iowa 
Supreme Court do not agree with Representative Robinson, nor do the 
writers in the ARENA, several of whom have been very familiar not 
only with all the laws quoted, but with the practical workings of " fin- 
able " offences of this nature, as well as with the pitiful results of the 
awful fact that " the majority of inmates of houses of ill-fame became 
so " when too young to realize what the life and death, both social and 
physical, could mean. It is to prevent just this state of things that we 
ask this law. We trust that Iowa may respond as unmistakably as have 
New York, Arizona, Idaho, Colorado, and a number of other states 
whose records will soon be given. H. H. G. 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 217 

Protection, for Immature Girlhood. 

To every worker in the field of moral reform it is very en- 
couraging to have a magazine like the ARENA helping fight 
the battles on this line. As a legislator interested not only in 
the material welfare of Iowa, but also in the things which "make 
for righteousness," this article is written. 

The writer made an attempt to pass a bill in the Iowa legis- 
lature fixing the age of consent at eighteen, but finding it im- 
possible he compromised on fifteen, a raise of two years, and 
"was successful in the senate, but the bill failed in the house- 
sifting committee, whose chairman was a deadly enemy of the 
measure. Next session I shall again present the bill, with the 
age fixed at eighteen, with good prospects for success. 

The diagram presented in the January ARENA ought to 
bring the* blush of shame to the face of every lover of humanity 
in the state of Iowa. Its effect on the writer was to intensify 
his determination that as long as his fellow-citizens intrusted 
him with the responsible position of state senator he would 
labor to efface this dark blot from the statute-books of the 
state. Nineteenth-century civilization, with its Christlike 
humanitarianism, demands that this be done. In the name of 
all that is pure and holy, what shall law protect if not innocent 
girlhood? A girl's material interests are protected by law. If 
she has no parent a guardian is appointed, but while in this 
the law says that her mind is not matured sufficiently to care 
for her material interests, the same law says in Iowa that from 
the age of thirteen she is competent to barter or to give away 
the priceless jewel of her womanly virtue, and consent to her 
own moral ruin. 

As the ARENA is read in Iowa by men and women who 
think, I appeal to them to wake up to the dishonor of our state 
in this matter: 

In legislative work regarding raising the age of consent the 
only argument with seeming plausibility given me by the op- 
ponents of the bill was the danger of scheming females of low 
character getting boys into trouble. Facts show that it is not 
boys who ruin immature girls ; it is lecherous scoundrels who 
are mature in sensuality and lust. To prove this as an Iowa 
fact, one has but to enter the Benedict Home in. the city of Des 
Moines and he will find it is but seldom that one of its inmates 
was ruined by a man under the age of twenty-one. 

Ye citizens of Iowa who dwell in comfortable homes, ye who 
have surrounded your children with the protective environ- 
ments of the Christian home, will you not hearken to an appeal 
for legal protection for the girls of the poor, for the girls who 



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218 THE AEBNA. 

have lost a mother's watchful eye and protecting care, for the 
girls who are in part or wholly homeless, for the girls who are 
the prey of the sleek, suave, mature debauchee ? Every princi- 
ple of philanthropic humanity calls for this. 

Legislators of the state of Iowa, as your fellow- worker, as 
one who believes you intend to make the law of right your 
action in legislation, I pray you to give this matter thought, 
and I am certain on investigation that the only objection raised 
at the last session will vanish — that is, protection for the 
boys. You will find it is mature vice which, with its insinuating 
deviltry, thus assails immature girlhood. 

Would a father in dying leave a material inheritance to the 
control of a girl under the age of eighteen ? No. It is a rec- 
ognized principle that society is under obligation to protect the 
helpless and immature : in every other direction than this the 
protection is given. Let this relic of the dark daya of the past, 
when woman was a vassal, when the world was watered by her 
tears wrung from her heart by brute force, be blotted out. 
Morality is the basis of solid government ; female chastity is 
one of its bulwarks. The work of the mature scoundrel, at 
whom this legislation is aimed, is to destroy female morality. 

The law now permits a scoundrel matured in crime to rob a 
mere child of her virtue, of that which is to her of priceless 
value, and by setting up the plea of " consent" he escapes the 
punishment which every principle of equity would inflict upon 
him ! He goes free. What of his victim ? Her life is ruined. 
If it had been a matter of transfer of property, the law would 
have given her protection. 

J. E. ROWEN [Senator, Republican]. 
Iowa. 



Raise the Age of Consent. 

The January number of the ARENA contains a " symposium 
on the Age-of-Consent Laws in the United States." I am 
asked for an expression of my views. My answer is easily 
made: I favor most heartily this move, and am willing to do all 
that I can for it. If we are to have a law of this character at 
all, let us have a proper one, for whatever is worth doing is 
worth doing well. If the female is to reach her majority at the 
age of eighteen years, and is a legal " infant " under that age, as 
in Iowa (being unable to contract marriage except by consent of 
parent or guardian, and by marriage she as all minors attains 
majority), why not place the age of consent and of valid mar- 
riage at one and the same age ? The evident intent of the law 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 219 

is to protect her property interests daring that period. Then 
why not protect her virtue, her person, as against brutes ? 

I regret the necessity of such a law ; we all regret that higher 
civilization has not rendered such laws unnecessary ; but it has 
not as yet. No, the fact remains that we are confronted with a 
" condition," not a " theory," and some one has said " that evil 
men and seducers shall wax worse and worse " ; and if criminal 
statistics are to be relied upon, I, fear the prediction may be un- 
comfortably true in <tur own day. 

Both " force " and " resistance " are considered in determin- 
ing crime where a female is thirteen years of age or upwards. 
The finding of the court is : " The force necessary on the one 
hand, and the resistance required on the other, to constitute the 
crime, depend upon the relative mental and physical strength of 
the parties and the circumstances surrounding them " (State vs. 
Tarr, 28 Iowa, 397). But when the female is under thirteen 
years of age, " criminal knowledge and abuse of," is a crime, 
and, like the other, punishable " by imprisonment in the peni- 
tentiary for life or any term of years." In this last case both 
" force " and " resistance " are left out, neither being considered 
essential to establish crime. Also "The fact that defendant 
does not know that the child is under that age will be immate- 
rial " (State vs. Newton, 44 Iowa, 45). 

This is a good law and requires but little changing to make it 
a better. There seems to be quite an extensive agreement that 
thirteen years is entirely too low, and yet a fear that eighteen 
years may be too high. And here allow me to present the 
opinion of some of our best judicial and legal minds, to wit: 

" I am in favor of raising the age of consent, but think that 
eighteen years is rather an extreme view of the question ; but 
if it were a question of leaving it where it is or of raising it even 
to eighteen years, I would be in favor of the latter, because I 
think that would be a less evil, less inconsistent, and less dan- 
gerous than our present law. The difficulty and danger of rais- 
ing it above sixteen years is to open the field for blackmailing 
and designing females, who will inveigle unsuspecting and sus- 
ceptible youth into situations in which a yielding to an almost 
irresistible temptation will place them within the power of the 
female ; and this question as to what age it would be safest and 
best for the law, in protection to both female and male, is one 
really of practical judgment. My judgment would be sixteen 
years as practically the safest age at which the age of consent 
could be fixed. Thirteen years is ridiculously too low ; eighteen 
years would be perhaps practically too high. This is a question 
of judgment, in my opinion, of experience, of knowledge of 



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220 THE ARENA. 

men and women, and is physiological also, as well as sociologi- 
cal, $nd has many sides to its consideration." 

WiU the mother 8 say whether it shall be sixteen years or 
eighteen years ? As all legislation is the result of compromise, 
the writer, desiring such a law as will tend to promote the gen- 
eral good, will accept sixteen or eighteen years, being heartily 
in favor of the move.* 

Z. H. GURLEY. 

Pleasanton, Iowa. [Representative, Republican.] 



KENTUCKY. 

The Age of Consent from a Physio-Psychological 

Standpoint. 

When we wish to determine the age at which the human fe- 
male becomes cognizant of the carnal qualifications and attri- 
butes of sex, and is thus enabled to understand and appreciate 
the effects of cohabitation as an act between herself and the 
human male, in which a supreme function of nature occurs, we 
must dismiss from our minds all emotional sentiment, and regard 
the question with the calm, dispassionate scrutiny of scientific 
observation, in which the feelings have no place. 

In the pages of a magazine like the ARENA one must avoid 
giving offence, hence the discussion of this question from the 
standpoint which I have chosen (and which I regard as the 
true one, i. e., the physio-psychological) must be carried on 
through the agency of generalities — anna logicorum that are 
neither very effective nor very desirable. Wherever, therefore, 
in this paper there appears an assertion unsupported by the 
necessary proofs of its absolute veracity and scientific accuracy, 
the reader may rest assured that these necessary proofs are in 
my possession, and are only withheld from my argument by the 
force of those circumstances and surroundings amid which this 
essay appears. 

Sully, in his remarkable papers on the psychology of children, 
states that children become self-conscious at the beginning of 
the third year. I am inclined to believe, however, that a con- 
scious recognition of self begins, most frequently, at an earlier 
age, say about the twenty-eighth month. As soon as a conscious- 
ness of self is born, the child ceases to be a mere animal and 
enters a higher plane of existence, an existence in which it is 
capable of experiencing abstract ideation ; and as soon as ab- 
stract ideation is inaugurated, the faculty of appreciating ethical 

• Space forbids giving others from Iowa, which are on this side. H. H. G. 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 221 

t 

deductions and conclusions is, to a certain extent, created in the 
psychical organism. 

While ethics are, to a large extent, undoubtedly acquired, the 
capability of appreciating morals is, unquestionably, the result 
of inherited experiences; hence children of white ancestors, 
when placed amid moral surroundings, quickly appreciate and 
acquire moral habitudes of thought, so that children of nine and 
ten years fully understand and recognize actions which evince 
moral obliquity. It will be observed that I here particularize, 
designating the children of white ancestors. My reasons for so 
doing will become obvious further along in this paper. 

In these days of enlightenment and civilization, religious in- 
struction and moral training enter very largely into the lives of 
children, thereby evoking an early knowledge of good and evil; 
hence it most frequently happens that, when the first dawnings 
of sexual appetite make their appearance, this natural desire is, 
under proper instructions, changed in character and becomes an 
acquired psychical habitude — religious emotion . For it is a fact, 
and one capable of easy demonstration, that there is a close 
relationship between religious emotion and sexual desire — the 
natural desire and the acquired emotion taking the places of one 
another, on occasions unconsciously and without volitional effort 
on the part of the subjects in whom the transformation takes 
place. 

A writer in one of the recent magazines * attributes this rela- 
tionship to psychical atavism, tracing it back to its origin in the 
worship of Priapus. Be its cause whatever it may, Providence 
makes an effective use of this relationship in order to check 
undue and promiscuous sexual intercourse. The girl of twelve 
years (the age of consent in this state, Kentucky) who has re- 
ceived moral instruction and training, is abundantly qualified to 
protect her honor. In point of fact, the white girl of twelve 
anywhere throughout the civilized world, unless she is degener- 
ate and imbecile, is abundantly qualified, so far as intellect is 
concerned, to protect her virginity if she so desires. Ignorance 
cannot be advanced in extenuation of any lapse from virtue in 
girls of this age, for their physical development precludes any 
such plea. When backed by good moral training I regard the 
twelve-year-old girl as being as capable of resisting the wiles of 
the seducer as any older woman. f So far as I can ascertain, 
the logical faculty is more highly developed in girls of twelve 

* Dr. James Weir, Jr. : " An Example of Psychic Atavism," Journal of Mental and 
Nervous Diseases. October, 1894. 

> t It can hardly be necessary for a serious reply to be made to such a statement as 
this. Simply apply the same reasoning: to her general mental capacity, her knowledge 
of the value of property, her experience in the relations of cause and effect, her grasp 
of life and its meanings, and it becomes plain that a statement like this is so far from 
true as to be absurd on the face of it. H. H. 6. 



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222 THE ARENA. 

years than it is in girls of sixteen or seventeen. After pubes- 
cence, the emotional nature of woman becomes highly devel- 
oped, which, in a measure, obtunds the ratiooinative faculty, so 
that the non-menstruating girl of twelve evinces a logical prowess 
which surpasses that of the girl of sixteen or seventeen. 

Again, it is a well-known fact that the human female, as a 
rule, up to the time of menstruation surpasses the male in point* 
of mental acumen. This is also noticeable in females through- 
out the entire mammalian kingdom. The young bitch, before 
ovulation, is invariably chosen by dog-fanciers for her superior 
intelligence, especially if she is to be taught any branch of work 
in the hunting-field which requires extraordinary intelligence. 
So well known are these facts that ovariotomy is frequently 
performed on female dogs before the establishment of ovulation, 
in order that this high degree of mental acuteness may be pre- 
served. The n on -menstruating girl of twelve who has ordinary 
intelligence backed by moral training is better able to withstand 
the arts of the seducer than her older sister in whom vita sexualis 
has been fully established. In the non-ovulating girl of twelve, 
libido, a powerful and very often overwhelming incentive toward 
coitus, is either entirely absent or, at least, felt only in a vague 
and feeble manner ; while in the ovulating female it reaches its 
acme. 

The fraraers of the law which fixed the age of consent at 
twelve years in this state were fully aware of these physio- 
psychological facts ; they were not blinded by false sentiment, 
and, while giving the young girl that measure of protection 
which she deserves, also took into consideration the male mem- 
ber of society, who is also worthy of protection. Sexual desire 
belongs equally to the male and female human being, and the 
law-makers of this state were then, and are now, unwilling to 
inflict the heaviest penalty of the law on the male when there is 
a possibility that the female is also to blame. 

The penalty for rape on an infant under twelve in this state 
is death or confinement in the penitentiary for life, and statis- 
tics will show that the law, in this respect, is carried out to its 
fullest extent. Finally, the experience of the entire world shows 
that no amount of legislation can command sexual morality. 
The great and, in my opinion, the only safeguard against 
social impurity is to be found in moral instruction by virtuous 
fathers and mothers. When vita sexualis is established at or 
near puberty, this moral training will bear fruit, and the young 
girl, yearning for she knows not what, will in ninety-nine 
cases out of a hundred find perfect satisfaction in religious 
emotion. 

There is one other objection, and that too a vital one, to any 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 223 

interference with the law as to consent in this state, as it now 
stands. The laws of the United States place the negro female 
on the same plane with the white female, declaring them iden- 
tical in every particular. Natural law, however, declares that, 
psychologically and functionally, they are widely differing indi- 
viduals.' The menstrual function becomes established in the 
white Kentucky girl usually at about the fourteenth year, while 
in negro girls ovulation occurs about the eleventh year. Fre- 
quently it occurs as early as the tenth year. I am informed by 
Dr. Stimson Lambert, of Owensboro, Ky., a painstaking and 
accurate observer, that seventy-five per cent of negro girls men- 
struate at the eleventh year. Dr. Lambert also assures me that 
he has now under his care a negro girl who is in her twelfth 
year and who is pregnant. Negroes, in a natural state, are not 
given to undue sensuality ; they are like the lower mammalia in 
this respect. As soon, however, as they fall under the influence 
of civilization they become inordinately sensual. The negro is 
rarely accused of committing rape on the females of his own 
race. " The reason for this is the natural complaisance of the 
females of his own race, the male being able to easily satisfy his 
desire without violence." 

We see at once what a terrible weapon for evil the elevating 
of the age of consent would be when placed in the hands of a 
lecherous, sensual negro woman, who for the sake of blackmail 
or revenge would not hesitate to bring criminal action even 
though she had been a prostitute since her eleventh year ! Any- 
one acquainted with the American negro, a semi-civilized savage, 
will understand at once what bearing this has on the question 
without further enlightenment on my part. Taking the facts 
above cited into consideration, it would be manifestly unjust to 
tamper with the law as it now stands. 

A. C. TOMPKINS [Representative]. 

Owensboro, Ky. 



Let the Age of Majority be the Age of Consent. 

In common, no doubt, with many others who have never had 
their attention called directly to the subject, I had supposed 
that the laws of all states had fixed some age at which a female 
was incapable of consenting to her own ruin by one of the 
opposite sex, some age at which her "consent" could not be 
pleaded as a bar to punishment for crime, and had supposed 
that the wisdom*of legislative bodies had ascertained the proper 
age (if there is such a thing as a proper age, which I doubt) 
when a woman's consent could reduce the grade of crime on the 
part of the man. 



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224 THE ARENA. 

In the fall of 1893 I was elected to the legislature. Shortly 
afterward I was called on by a lady whom I had long known as 
one of the best women of our section. She came to solicit my 
vote on a bill that was to bh introduced in the legislature to 
raise the age of consent; she gave me some documents and 
promised to call again. A few days later she came to see me 
again. I told her I would vote for the bill with some modifica- 
tion. She wished the age made eighteen ; I thought sixteen a 
better age. I had not given 'the matter much attention, and 
used what I thought were arguments to sustain my position. 
She quietly answered : " We shall thank you for your vote for 
sixteen, but it ought not to be less than eighteen. I shall see 
you again at Frankfort " ; and she bade me good day. 

When the legislature assembled, the ladies were on hand and 
the bill was introduced in the senate. I was a member of the 
house, but as I expected the bill to come to us later I concluded 
to " post up " on the matter. Then to my surprise I learned that 
there were three states in this Union where a child of ten years of 
age could surrender herself to the lust of a male brute of human 
species, and that he could plead her " consent " in his defense — 
that at an age when her notions of ordinary right and wrong 
were but partly developed she could give consent to her moral 
and physical ruin. I also learned that four other great states, 
including my own, had fixed the age at twelve years ; and then 
I wondered if those who had fixed this age had sisters and 
daughters, and if so if they were willing to let them depend 
upon such laws as this for protection. 

I also found that many of the members, like myself, had not 
known what the law was ; and I had no doubt of the speedy 
passage of the bill by the senate, and that as soon as it came to 
the house its passage would be the merest formality. To my 
utter surprise the bill was so mangled and altered in the senate 
as to be worthless. It was too late to introduce another bill 
in the house and send it to the senate, and the old law still 
disgraces us. 

During the progress of the debate in the senate I was sur- 
prised at the arguments (?) introduced in opposition to the bill. 
One gentleman wanted the boys protected against the evil- 
minded girls. He thought that such a bill as this, if passed, 
would expose the boys to all sorts of blackmail from cunning 
sirens of less than sixteen years of age ; that it would fill our 
penitentiaries with young boys. I had a better opinion of 
Kentucky boys than to believe him. The more arguments I 
heard against the bill the more I became convinced of the 
necessity for its passage. That it did not pass is a stain upon 
our state which I hope will be speedily wiped out. 



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LEGISLATORS ON THE AGE OF CONSENT. 225 

I have read attentively the articles in your January number 
on this subject, and feel that in directing public attention to 
this matter you have performed a service which cannot be over- 
estimated, and which must result in raising the age of consent 
everywhere. 

I presume that many of those who are most earnest in this 
matter do not appreciate the great temptation to which children 
are exposed. A statement that was once made to me may serve 
to horrify and enlighten them. While I was in one of the 
largest cities in the country, a few years ago, I made the ac- 
quaintance of a "man about town" who frequently dropped 
into our office. We were discussing some of the wealthy men 
of the city. One was mentioned whom he at once spoke of as 
a scoundrel. On asking in what his evil deeds lay, I was 
informed that he had a suite of rooms in charge of a woman 
whose business it was to provide for the satisfaction of his lust, 
and that only young girls were in demand, and virgins were 
preferred. I have no doubt that this estimable gentleman 
would object to raising the "age of consent" for fear that it 
might result in some siren entrapping some innocent youth. 

The discussion of this question has settled the matter in my 
mind, that no woman is fit to dispose of her person at an earlier 
age than she is of her property. If she must attain her major- 
ity before she can sell a piece of property, she certainly should 
not be permitted to sell herself to perdition at an earlier age. 
If one who sells to or buys from a minor is punished by the loss 
of the goods he sells or the money he pays, and is debarred 
from saying that the minor agreed to it, shall he be permitted 
to say that " consent " will permit him to ruin a child at an age 
when her doll is her most valued possession ? 

My term as a member of the Kentucky legislature has ex- 
pired. I shall, however, be a candidate again this fall, and if 
elected I shall use every effort in my power to take Kentucky 
from the black list of states where children can consent to their 
own ruin, and shall not be satisfied with any age less than that 
at which a woman can dispose of her property ; and if there are 
in my district any gentlemen (?) of lecherous propensities I 
would suggest to them that it may be to their interest to see 
that I am not reelected. 

WILL H. LYONS [Representative]. 
Covington, Ky. 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS: A REMINISCENT STUDY. 



BY RICHARD J. HINTON. 



A youthful Englishman but three years resident in the 
land of an earnest adoption, I found myself for the first time 
in Boston on the day before Anthony Burns was arrested as 
a fugitive slave. Having devoured in my boyhood all the 
books relating to the United States that had fallen in my 
way, the revolutionary scenes in and around Boston, with 
their names and associations, had grown more familiar even 
than the distant scenes of my earlier years. 

I was full of delight then in being at the "Hub." My 
first day was spent at Bunker Hill and in Cambridge. My 
second day, however, was devoted to cursing the Fugitive 
Slave Law, and trying to realize how hideous a farce a 
republic might sometimes be. I had already taken out my 
first papers, and felt, 1 must confess, a good deal like tearing 
them up on the 25th of May, 1854, when Charles F. Suttle of 
Virginia applied to Edward G. Loring, as United States 
commissioner, for the rendition to him of a fugitive slave by 
the name of Anthony Burns. The first weapon I ever owned 
was in my possession that night — an old-fashioned Allen's" 
revolver — a "pepper-box" as we afterward and scornfully 
termed them a couple of years later when, in Kansas, 
Northern men began to understand Hie need and use of 
weapons. I had some six years before learned my "facings* 
and how to handle and load a musket in the ranks of a sedi- 
tious company of "physical-force" Chartists, just before 
Feargus O'Connor led us all to folly and disaster; so there 
was but little compunction on my part in essaying to be 
again a "rebel" for "liberty" — even though it was only for 
that of a "niggah." 

I recall all this because it marks to me a striking incident, 
for on the evening of the 26th I first heard Wendell Phillips 
and Theodore Parker speak at a Faneuil Hall meeting, 
which punctuated the history of that period with oratory fit 
for Attic philosophers and agitation eloquent with the pas- 

226 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 227 

sion and power of a grand epoch. Their words marched on 
as "armed battalia." Jean Paul Richter said of Martin 
Luther that his speech was a "half-battle." Speeches like 
those of Phillips and Parker were as the shock of armies. 
The earth throbbed as it were with passionate onsets. The 
air was alive with the inspiration fires of noble conflict. I 
looked that night into the yawning gulf of American strife 
and helped a little in the making of history. 

I was not unmindful of the significance of such weighty 
speech and personality, recalling with delight after all these 
years, the fine figure of Phillips, the quaint scorn of Dr. 
Howe, and the stately fierceness of Theodore Parker. But 
Wendell Philips held me then and afterward with an increas- 
ing glory. The golden bees that kissed the lips of the baby 
Plato must have swarmed again from old Hymettus when 
the summer winds rocked the cradle of our New England 
orator. 

Anti-slavery speech that night was hot indeed. What 
fine sneers would nowadays be flung at the speakers as 
"cranks," and Loring, Lunt, Cushing, and Hillard missed 
much in not being able to fling the terrible significance of 
the taunting accusation against them of being "Anarchists!" 
Dr. Howe declared that "God wills that all meu should be 
free, and we will as God wills." Theodore Parker evoked a 
storm of angry denials when he said "The people of Massa- 
chusetts are the vassals of Virginia," and that "Boston is 
but a northern suburb of Alexandria." I thought of that 
utterance the night when Ellsworth fell by the stairway of 
the Marshall House. My place as a newspaper •correspond- 
ent was quite near that fatal shot. But I am recalling this 
meeting only to bring back the presence of Wendell Phillips 
and my own introduction into that anti-slavery agitation 
wherein thereafter I bore a humble if active part. 

There was something electric in the air. A perfect 
stranger, having been separated from my friend, I still fell 
into communion with those about me. Afterwards I knew 
many of them and learned that I had drifted into the very 
midst of a body of men determined to attempt a rescue of 
Burns. He was confined in the granite-built courthouse 
near by, in a room of the second floor near the Court Street 
entrance, which with the square was guarded by United 
States deputy marshals. Most of the group were from 
Worcester. Thomas Wentworth Higginson and Martin 
Stowell were its leaders. Simon Hanscomb, a well known 
newspaper man, was one of the party. Years afterwards 
in Washington we compared notes. Somehow I felt sure 



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228 THE ARENA. 

that action was intended. Those who knew the plans told 
me afterwards that they miscarried because of the hasty 
effort, made without much concert. 

Anyhow, while the meeting still roared and surged, I 
found myself out on the street and hurrying with others to 
the courthouse. I recall only the confusion and stir, the set 
faces and gleaming eyes of those about me; the seizure of a 
great piece of timber and the sudden surge forward towards 
the courthouse door, which went in at once. I was on one 
side of the battering-ram. I saw the dark and stern face of 
a colored man, filled with a set, reticent, fierce, but intelli- 
gent fury. Before me, a short distance, was the stern, cool 
visage of one I afterward knew as Martin Stowell, for I 
marched alongside of it two years later, when we together 
led a little company of Free State men into Kansas, over 
six hundred miles of Iowa and Nebraska prairie land. 

There was a fierce shout as the door fell in, a surging for- 
ward and slight falling back as, from a dark group of hud- 
dling men, leaped a few flashes of fire, and the sharp crackle 
of pistol-shots sang in our ears. It was all over in a few 
minutes; but not so swiftly but I saw and heard two shots 
fired on our side — one by Martin Stowell and the other from 
close beside me. The pistol was held in a dark-skinned fist, 
and the face above it has remained forever engraved on my 
memory. It was that of a colored man; his shot it was that 
killed Batchelder. Stowell was taken prisoner and charged 
with firing, but that was not proved. Hanscomb smuggled 
Stowell's still hot pistol away when the arrested man was in 
the station near by. Possibly, as Simon thought, the police 
were human and sympathies dulled their eyes for a moment 
Stowell was soon discharged. No one that I knew ever men- 
tioned the colored man's name in connection with the shot, 
though many must have had a moral certainty thereof. 
Lewis Hayden, now dead, and for many years the custodian 
of the State House, was an active participant at the storm- 
ing of the Boston courthouse. 

Leaving Boston next day for New York, I did not see Wen- 
dell Phillips again until the yearly meeting at the Meiona- 
on Hall in January, 1856, of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
Society. That was an event to me also, for I was permitted 
to speak in that famous company and to that wonderful 
audience. It is not on account of that crude, if impas- 
sioned speech of mine that I linger, but because of a later 
incident which gave me an opportunity of knowing how that 
wonderful art — that almost supreme skill of the orator, that 
interblended scholarship which seemed but the woven 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. ' 229 

thread of his brain, and . that matchless rhetoric — was 
inwrought and made to do the lofty service it rendered the 
anti-slavery cause and national chivalry. 

My personal relation with Wendell Phillips began at this 
time, and continued unbroken until his death. My removal 
to California in 1876 was the cause for a break in its activ- 
ity and closeness, but not in its depth of feeling or sincerity. 
Jn the year just preceding the civil war, and those that fol- 
lowed its close, commonly called the reconstruction period, 
our intimacy was often quite confidential. This feeling grew 
out of the spirit of mob violence that attended the advent of 
armed strife and reached Boston in vigorous expression, or 
from the inside view of Washington affairs I was able to give 
him from being then a "special" correspondent. 

My first personal introduction occurred in the early weeks 
of 1856. Theodore Parker, who knew me as a constant 
attendant on his Music-Hall services, gave me a noteof intro- 
duction. The period was one of intense anti-slavery feeling, 
and I was a zealot on that side. The "personal-liberty'' 
legislation was a live issue. With Mr. Parker's letter then, 
I wended my way to 24 Essex Street, the old-fashioned, 
modest three-storied brick dwelling that, facing Harrison 
Avenue, sheltered Wendell and Ann Copley Phillips. They 
lived therein for forty years and until tbe long-delayed city 
improvements of that quarter compelled their removal but a 
brief period before the death of Mr. Phillips in 1884. 

The immediate cause of my call was due to the fact that I 
had been selected from among a baker's dozen of young anti- 
slavery members to lead off in a Mercantile-Library debate 
on the personal-liberty bill then before the Massachusetts 
legislature; and I wanted information. 

The house, a time-stained brick built directly to the line of 
a narrow pave, had an entrance sunk into the house wall, 
thus making a small alcove faced by a small dark door, 
which bore in plain black letters the name "Phillips" painted 
on it A quiet, old-fashioned domestic answered my ring. 
The hall was small, and a steep, rather narrow stairway 
curved upward. The rooms on the first floor I never saw 
opened. Mrs. Phillips' invalid condition made the upper 
two stories the "home" of that exquisite twain. Mrs. Gar- 
nant, mother of Mrs. George W. Smalley, with her daughter, 
was in charge of the household. 

I believe my card and note were taken up, and in a few sec- 
onds I heard Mr. Phillips, standing at the head of the first 
flight, inviting me to ascend. He received me with that 
sweet courtesy and delicately sane attention which made of 



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230 THE ABENA. 

him the truest democrat and the most charming of aristo- 
crats. Time does not dull the memory of that silver-toned 
voice or that benign kindliness of countenance. I see still 
the questioning eyes with their gracious and encouraging 
look, the noble brow, the ease and grace of manner, with the 
simplicity of personal address and surroundings — these all 
make for me a delightful portrait that memory holds in per- 
fect tone. 

I recall the room, facing, with longish windows, on Harri- 
son Avenue; some neutral-tinted wall covering, a well-worn 
warm, dark carpet, and old-fashioned furniture; books 
everywhere; a marble bust of Garrison at one corner, and 
one of Cicero in the other — the latter before you on entering 
the room ; some good engravings — I don't recall the subjects 
— rtn the small area of unoccupied wall; a large library table 
littered with letters and papers — I never saw it otherwise. 
It was indeed a workman's study. This front room opened 
on to another, in which were more books; but that evidently 
was more of a living room. The house was small, not over 
twelve rooms I presume. Mrs. Phillips' apartments were on 
the floor above. 

The impression the orator and gentleman made on me 
that afternoon has always controlled and shaped my recol- 
lections. All subsequent incidents and relations have but 
deepened that memory. One could but speak of him after 
all and preeminently as "a gentleman ! " His true, enfleshed 
democracy was born of that exquisite courtesy towards all 
humankind which was the breath of his very being. His 
scholarship and eloquence were its natural attributes as 
much as were his beauty of person and grace of manner. I 
recall him clearly, dressed simply with a loose short robe in 
place of a coat, spotless linen, no jewelry of any kind — stud, 
chain, or ring — well-worn trousers, a light vest, and, as I 
recall, slippered feet. 

He was when standing, a figure of graceful model and 
height, five feet eleven, of fair complexion, with soft reddish- 
gold hair, clean-shaven cheeks and jaw, a face that always 
seemed to me illumined from within. The eyes were rather 
nmall and deep set, but penetrative, a light blue-gray in hue; 
the head was large, well proportioned and balanced. 
Except as to the height of the imperial forehead and the 
rounded coronal beyond and above, its size, breadth, and 
height would not strike one at first. The full face was very 
kindly yet grave and quiet in expression. The eyes held yolj 
firmly and at once. The profile was noble and exquisite in 
line, effect, and proportion. The nose, at roots broad, at nos- 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 231 

trils full, yet fine and even delicate in shape, was a well- 
moulded Roman, approaching the aquiline in form. Below 
was a longish upper lip, a mouth of strength with repressed 
lines, drawn down slightly at the ends — a touch of the lion's 
character; lips well-rounded but not full ; below, a strongly 
defined chin, not large or heavy, but fully indicative of will- 
power and firmness. The curving eyebrows were large and 
wide apart, approaching the antique shape. But it was the 
noble forehead, the height above the brows, and the depth 
from ears forward and upward, that commanded attention. 
He was possessed and moulded of grace. His pose was 
always statuesque. His garb was simple, refined, neutral, 
yet it became his own and was part of his personality. 

In conversation, Mr. Phillips' voice was simply delicious — 
low, even-toned, softly modulated, and yet possessing a 
clear, easy distinctness of enunciation which was a great 
delight to listeners. On the platform it was not an organ 
of wide range. Its power was not dramatic or intense, 
except as the fine scorn or passion of the brain gave wings 
to fitting words. The high notes were rather thin, though 
always clear and distinct; they had in them the violin strain; 
some piercing "C" touch at times from the finest of Stradi- 
variuses. The middle and lower ranges were perfect, always 
under control and used with the finest skill. Behind nil 
was the controlling brain — that artistic mastership of his 
subject, whatsoever it was, which makes the printed pages 
that now embalm his speech, a delight in reading second 
only to that which followed the silvery tones of his voice. 

Mr. Phillips at once took the closest interest in the pur- 
pose of niy call, and kept me engaged for the next two hours. 
The subject of the proposed debate was fully discussed. He 
soon found, of course, that my knowledge of the laws and 
constitutional principles was quite superficial, but that my 
desire to know was as facile and fluid as could be desired. 
I had read the current newspaper articles and especially 
certain printed arguments made before the state house 
of representatives by Messrs. Phillips, Parker, Garrison, 
Lysander Spooner, Judge Sewell, and others. These, with 
the congressional discussion, afforded a basis. 

Mr. Phillips, from his ample store of controversial litera- 
ture, selected a number of pamphlets, several law treatises 
and commentaries, and laid out for me an exhaustive range 
of current debate on the themes required. Learning that 
the debate was twenty days distant and how my time was 
controlled, he instructed me to read carefully what he had 
given me, and to make copious notes of points that struck 



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>>-- 



232 THE ARENA. 

me. I recall that he made me lay aside the papers that con- 
tained his own argument. I was to go over the whole mate- 
rial in my hands, arranging my notes for and against the 
proposed measure. The authorities included the opposite 
arguments also. After I had done this 1 was to boil down 
my notes to as close a brief as I could make. This done, 
which he thought would take me about four or five days, 1 
was to see him again. I worked hard, and got fully inter- 
ested, extending my investigations by a day spent in the 
Mercantile Library, hunting out and verifying certain refer- 
ences I had found. 

On the next Saturday, I called on Mr. Phillips and ho 
received me with even more cordiality than before. My 
notes were carefully gone over — I had brought back the 
material he had loaned me — and then with the kindly simpli- 
city of a gentleman and the interest of a teacher in a favorite 
pupil, he pointed out where I had missed important points, 
and also indicated where I had grasped and amplified. I did 
not know at the time that Mr. Phillips was aware that the 
leader on the opposite side of the pending debate was to be 
the cleverest young student then in the Harvard Law school. 
To meet him, he was very careful to have me understand the 
general grounds upon which the rights of jury, habeas cor- 
pus, indeed of all personal liberty, stood from an American 
point of view. This was the course of reading he mapped 
out for the week that followed, withholding, too, the first 
batch of material I had gone over. 

On the third visit, according to his request, another brief 
was presented of the various points that had been gathered 
in my reading. Of course it gratified me to hear the encomi- 
ums he gave. Eleven days had passed, and then Mr. Phil- 
lips suggested that I lay the whole subject aside till the next 
Monday (this was Friday evening of the second week), and 
occupy myself with other matters. On Monday I was to 
make," for him to examine, the shortest brief I could of the 
whole subject as it lay in my mind, with, also, a separate 
brief of authorities. I did as he wished, and on the evening 
appointed he again went patiently over the whole subject. 
I recall that he reinforced my meagre notes with lucid and 
luminous suggestions which, being fully receptive as I was, 
were eagerly absorbed. ♦ 

In regard to speaking, he advised a sustained conver- 
sational tone, a little lifted above the ordinary, with an 
effort at distinct enunciation. He was humorously sugges- 
tive as to not trying to be too exact and prim in the use of 
words. He advised the vernacular speech, even colloquial 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 233 

in tone. One point struck me, and he gave it as a guard 
against timidity on the floor or platform. That was to 
search out some pleasing face back in the audience and talk 
direct to its owner. This carried the voice and crave the 
idea of personal presence and talk also. But the main 
point was to follow my own bent in delivery. I recall very 
clearly that he desired me to write a few brief opening sen- 
tences and commit them to memory* I was also to, as I did, 
write and commit some closing sentences, not to exceed a 
hundred words. 

Years after, another great English-speaking orator, John 
Bright, at his home in Rochdale, told me that he always, on 
any set occasion, knew exactly the words with which he 
would begin, while he wrote and committed the closing 
words or peroration of his speech. 

Another point I learned from Mr. Phillips, and that is, 
while studying a subject, to write out your own version of 
any essential argument or illustration; especially to put 
down any figure of speech, antithesis, or epigrammatical 
sentence or expression that might occur to you. This habit 
of writing fixes the point in the mind. I remember Mr. 
Phillips telling me of some one's habit — I think it was 
Napoleon the Third — of jotting down a date, a brief fact, or 
a name, so as to fasten the same on the memory, and then 
throwing the note away. He found that I was a shorthand 
reporter, but advised me very earnestly, if I desired ta speak 
offhand with facility, to discard any dependence thereon, 
other than as a help in study and a mode of making notes of 
results and deductions. "A full man was needed," he said, 
"but he must depend, when on his legs, upon himself only." 

On the evening before the debate — I had by his direction 
laid the whole matter aside for two or three days — I called 
on Mr. Phillips. The notes and the themes were gone over 
once more, and from him I learned that I should be obliged 
to carry the general discussion alone on my side, as two of 
three who were to have participated with me had been sud- 
denly called away. The third disputant would not be of 
much service. I carried from my distinguished montor lhat 
night the flattering opinion that I should do very well. At 
any rate T was able through his instructions, with no other 
aid in the hall than brief notes on a two-inch-wide slip of 
cardboard about six inches in length, to make a creditable 
use of my preparation. I did not know till afterwards that 
Mr. Phillips honored me by appearing at the hall and 
remaining till the debate closed. I only know how proud 
I felt when a few days after meeting Mr. Phillips on the 
street he greeted me with words of cordial praise. 



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234 THE AKENA. 

The incident of coarse as far as I am concerned is of no 
importance, but the manner in which Mr. Phillips taught me 
to bear my part properly is full of value, showing as it does 
that "the taking of pains" is» after all the foundation for suc- 
cess by genius, as well as for that of mere talent or indus- 
trious effort. I may say for myself that the instruction was 
invaluable, for if I have had facility of expression in any 
degree, whether in writing or on "my legs" in speaking— and 
I have done some of this in a rough-and-tumble way — I hold 
it due almost entirely to the lessons then taught me so gra- 
ciously by Wendell Phillips. 

A few weeks after the debate I was in New York again, 
returning to Boston somewhat later and remaining till I 
first left for Kansas shortly after Mr. Sumner was assailed 
by Preston Brooks. I was in Chapman's Hall that after- 
noon. The Abolition speakers were verily the alarm bells 
of those ddys. Any great excitement brought a spontaneous 
meeting. The feeling was almost as intense as when Port 
Sumter was fired upon, or, as far as Boston is concerned, 
when the Sixth Massachusetts was attacked in the streets of 
Baltimore. Phillips, Parker, and Garrison were among the 
speakers that afternoon. 

I recall especially an incident of Parker's speech. He 
declared that the bludgeon which had "laid low the goodly 
head of Charles Sumner blossomed from the Acorn that car- 
ried Anthony Burns back to slavery," alluding to the name of 
a yacht which a Boston "Brahmin" had loaned to Suttle for 
the purpose of shipping Burns. There was at once a terrific 
storm of hisses, mainly from the young men standing in the 
back of the hall. Parker waited with serene grimness till 
the geese were exhausted, and then at the first lull, said in 
tones that filled the hall: "I thank you for those hisses, 
young men; they show that your hearts and brains are not 
yet hardened enough to conceive of such infamy. You will 
want to take the cotton from your ears, however, before you 
can fairly understand the spirit of slavery and compromise." 
There were shouts of laughter and cheers. Then the pro- 
ceedings went on to their close. 

Before leaving shortly afterward for Kansas, then in the 
hot throes of her struggle against chattel slavery, I encount- 
ered Wendell Phillips on Washington Street. As he bade 
me "god-speed" I recall his asking me what itwas I expected 
to aid in accomplishing. My answer was that I knew what it 
meant for me; "it was the road to South Caroliua!" I recall 
this only to mention that, after he had closed his great Union 
oration, "Under the Flag," April 21, 1861, and the Music Hall 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 235 

platform was crowded with admirers, he leaned over to me, 
standing quietly by, and whispered, "Well, Hinton, we've 
reached South Carolina at last! " 

I had forgotten the incident, but not so this man of genius. 
His recalling it to me was a vivid illustration of the swift 
and absorbent brain that heard, saw, and remembered all 
that could serve his cause. 

There is but little for jne to tell of Mr. Phillips from that 
summer day in 1856 till the Harper's Ferry raid of John 
Brown rent in twain the walls of slavery. I was \j\ Boston 
during January, 1857, and present at the Music Hall festival. 
There I was introduced by Mr. Phillips himself to many of 
the Abolition notables. But the charming incident of the 
eveniug to me was a few minutes' talk with Mr. Whittier, to 
whom Mr. Phillips took me. 

I recall the tall, slender form, the dark, finely moulded 
face, the quaint dark Quaker garb, the soft, brooding look, 
and above all the intense, dark, lambent eyes which looked 
down upon me. I told him of my party's singing his Kansas 
Emigrant song at Buffalo, on the steamer "Plymouth Rock," 
when we crossed Lake Erie, and afterward at Lawrence, 
Kansas. He asked several questions, notably about 
Thomas Barber, whose slaying he had embalmed in a power- 
ful lyric. 

Then, as we parted, putting his hand gently on my 
shoulder, he said, "Bo, friend, thee believest in fighting for 
liberty?" Upon my hearty affirmative, he replied, "Well, 
then, if thee must fight for freedom, fight well and to the 
end." 

I certainly tried to follow and even better his suggestion. 
The Quaker poet looked like a soldier of the soul as he bent 
his intense eyes upon me. It was my only glimpse of Mr. 
Whittier. 

After the John Brown raid, I found Boston a convenient 
residence, alternating it with a trip to Kansas as well as to 
Ashtabula county, Ohio, the homes of the Howells, Giddings, 
and Senator "Ben" Wade. The winter months following 
the attack on Harper's Ferry were more exciting in Boston 
than elsewhere north of Mason and Dixon's line. For a few 
of us they were almost as much so as Kansas was in Fifty- 
Six. Of course the Southern politicians were seeking to 
make capital out of the Brown raid. Their Northern friends 
were quite as eager. The difference lay in the fact that the 
Southern ones were seeking to use the event in aid of dis- 
union, while their New England aud other friends were 
aiming only at party advantages. The Republican party 



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236 THE AKENA. 

had moved up the political scale; Kansas was settled as to 
the slavery extension; the Northern states had nearly all 
passed under the control of the new party. Its managing 
men were terribly afraid of such shadows as the John Brown 
raid was casting. The out-and-out anti-slavery men were 
vigilantly seeking also every occasion to say or write bolder 
and more severe things. 

Andrew ilunter, the able Virginia attorney who prose- 
cuted the Northern raiders, planned a scheme for Governor 
Wise, which was the cause of Frederick Douglas and Dr. 
S. G. Howe retiring for a period to Canada and Great Bri- 
tain. It also induced Mr. Buchanan to acquiesce in the 
alleged holding, as a federal prisoner, of Aaron D. Stevens, 
one of Captain Brown's men. On his arraignment in Febru- 
ary, 1860, when Counsellor Sennott elected trial by federal 
court for his client, Mr. Hunter coolly stated that Stevens 
had always been in the custody of Virginia. The purpose of 
all this pretence was to make operative, if possible, an old 
federal law which permitted a United States judge to issue 
process against anyone wanted as a witness and so secure 
their transfer to the district in which it should be assumed 
the testimony was needed. Under this it was presumed to 
be possible to arrest any or all of those whose letters or mes- 
sages to John Brown were in the possession of the Virginian 
authorities. 

It was quietly decided in Boston, at least, that attempts 
to remove any citizen from the state, so as to place such 
person in peril from Virginia, should be resisted, even if the 
same were permitted by the state courts. The systematic 
attacks on the right of free meeting, the organized mob-vio- 
lence directed against Mr. Phillips naturally led to organized 
efforts for protection. The great anti-slavery orator was 
many times in danger between the last of October, 1859, and 
the middle of April, 1861, when his "welcome, hearty and 
hot," to a war for freedom and union made him in an hour 
the idol even of the enraged Union-savers who the day before 
had clamored for his life. 

The old vigilante committee of fugitive-slave days was still 
in existence. Arrangements were made by Karl Hienzen, 
the well-known editor of Das Pioneer, a German radical 
paper published in Boston, to organize a force of Turners. 
In other directions many young men who were in sympathy 
also prepared themselveo. Mr. Phillips was never informed 
of these efforts, but he easily realized the vigilance of his 
friends, sometimes even showing a vexed good-nature 
thereat. Four times at least within my own knowledge his 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. ' 287 

life was in deadly peril, and there were other times when we 
had good reason to expect an attack on his home. The 
agitator never faltered in his movements, and the orator 
never failed in his stinging speech. He showed also his 
own determination to accept all such personal responsibility 
as might have followed the policy of resistance. 

Mr. Frank B. Sanborn was demanded as a witness before 
the Jefferson Davis-Mason committee of investigation into 
the Harper'&Ferryraid. Mr. Sanborn decided not to answer 
the senate summons. He was practically kidnapped at Con- 
cord by a deputy sergeant-at-arms and brought to Boston 
en route to Washington. But a writ of habeas corpus 
being secured was served in time to prevent removal. "The 
League of Freedom," as our little body of defenders was 
sometimes called, being notified, got ready at once to appear 
in force at the state supreme-court room. It fell upon me 
to notify Mr. Phillips, which I did before he had finished 
his breakfast In those days I always went armed, and 
made no concealment of the fact. As Mr. Phillips was put- 
ting on his overcoat, he asked me if I was "prepared," at the 
same time taking from a drawer in his desk a six-inch "Colt" 
and slipping it into an inside pocket As he could see 
the handle of my "navy," there was no need of a reply on 
my part. We went to the court room, and found it crowded 
with our own people. All were sober and silent; all knew 
what might follow if some contingencies arose. Among 
those in the quiet assemblage were a number of prominent 
men. Their faces were as set and resolved as were those of 
the younger ones. It was soon decided that a senate war- 
rant did not run against the liberty of a citizen of the old 
commonwealth, and Mr. Sanborn walked out of court, amid 
cheers, unusual in and startling to the grave propriety of a 
supreme-court room. 

Those were stormy days indeed for Boston. And there 
were many of them before the day when the flag came 
down at Sumter. But I have never forgotten the serene 
courage and quiet dignity with which Mr. Phillips went to 
and fro. For months when about Boston and the vicinity, 
outside his own dwelling, he was nearly always in sight of 
some of the "League" men who were pledged to defend him. 
He never changed his accustomed ways, except when, for 
a few weeks just before hostilities began, he was brought 
to realize that his home might be attacked, and we were 
allowed on different nights to have a small armed party 
therein to defend it Mrs. Phillips would not leave. I recail 
Mr. Phillips saying on one occasion, when some reference 



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23S THE ARENA. 

was made to avoiding a danger, that "It is jnst as foolish 
to run into danger when there is no occasion, as it is 
cowardly to avoid it when duty calls. 

The events of that winter are a matter of history. But 
little is necessarily known of the personal danger of, and the 
steps taken to protect, the orator and agitator. As a matter 
of fact, his life was seriously imperilled for months before 
the rebellion culminated in cannon-shot That April 
Sunday morning, 1861, was a serious one to the men who had 
decided to guard Mr. Phillips at all costs and without 
regard to what he might say. I have always been glad that 
my good fortune ^brought me back to Boston from Washing- 
ton only the day before. Mr. Phillips was encountered on 
Washington Street. We stepped into the Adams House 
and seated ourselves while he asked for my news. After 
telling him, I expressed a fear of the meeting next day in the 
Music Hall. I recall the singularly placid smile with which 
he responded, saying, "It will be all right, Hinton." 

On Sunday morning there were over 400 gallant young 
fellows in the hall ready to offer their lives in his defence. 
Not one, however, but felt his heart leap as we saw on that 
famous rostrum in front of the solemn bronze that repre- 
sents Beethoven, spanned above the desk of Theodore 
Parker, an arch draped above with the national colors, and 
with its pillars wreathed with flowers that embodied the 
tricolor. On the desk waa the glass vase which Mr. Parker, 
when living and preaching, had always kept full of flowers. 
There was in it an immense cluster, artistically arranged, 
with the colors in due sequence — red, white, and blue. 

Our friends of the League were on hand early, being 
admitted before the general audience came in. Each little 
squad took its place in an appropriate section of the hall. 
The main body, chiefly "Turners," occupied front and side 
seats close to the platform. We all felt that serious dan- 
ger threatened, and none of us knew just what Mr. Phillips 
would say. Then we had the evidence, also, that there was 
present a compact body of armed men, hostile in 
every sense and angry almost to the verge of ferocity. 
The platform preparation seemed to be an assurance, 
however, that the oration would in some way accord with the 
tensely wrought feelings of the audience. I recall the 
impression Mr. Phillips gave as he came forward quietly and 
slowly. To those who knew him the only sign of special 
feeling he manifested was the intensity of his eyes and the 
marble pallor of his face. With what high-strung feeling 
did we listen to his first words. He read from Jeremiah 
that striking verse which declares: 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 239 

"I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, 
the pestilence, the famine," because the people fail to pro- 
claim "liberty every one to his brother." 

Then Mr. Phillips read a paragraph from one of the Boston 
papers stating that he would take back what he had said 
in his last speech. We thrilled with passionate response as 
he declared that he would not retract one of his opinions, and 
flinging his hands outward with the palms down, a gesture 
familiar to him when aroused, he added: 

"No, not one of them! I need them all — every word I 
have spoken this winter — every act of twenty-five years of 
my life, to make the welcome I give to this war hearty and 
hot" 

None of us feared any longer. All of us joined in the rap- 
turous applause. More than one of us felt the tears come in 
gladness at passing such a crucial point, for we doubted not 
that had he declared otherwise, many lives would that day 
have been spent After those words it was pure enjoyment 
to listen, so intense was the feeling that silence became the 
greatest sign of approval. There were no more mobs for 
Abolitionists in Boston after that Sunday morning. 

Within three days I was back in Washington ; soon after, 
west and in the field. I did not see Mr. Phillips again until 
the latter part of November, 1865, when, a civilian once more 
after four years of varied service, I viaited Boston previous 
to going to Washington as a special correspondent. We had 
not been entirely silent during the years of war, as an occa- 
sional letter had passed. 1 had been made to know that if in 
any way my name got public mention for such service as in 
common with my comrades I had been able and glad to per- 
form, Mr. Phillips knew of it, for he would send me a word of 
cordial praise. 

During my brief stay in Boston and preceding the meeting 
of congress, I had several lengthy interviews with Mr. Phil- 
lips. He had already foreseen the bitter controversy that 
was coming between President Johnson and congress, and 
gave me a sketch of the famous argument he shortly after 
made under the title of "The South Victorious." I arranged 
with him to correspond regularly on political matters asf they 
arose, and he gave me a keenly incisive review from his 
position of the attitude likely to be taken by Wilson, "Thad" 
Stevens, Boutwell, Ashley, Winter Davis, Wade, Turnbull, 
and others. Mr. Sumner's views of the situation were 
understood, and were agreed to in the main by Mr. Phillips, 
though he did not fail to see where the senator was lacking 
in practical legislative and managing capacity, I had been 



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240 THE ABENA. 

acting for months as assistant inspector-general of the 
Freedraan's Bureau, in the central-southern states, includ- 
ing Tennessee, and could give an inside account of the 
change in the toue that had followed Mr. Johnson's amnesty 
proclamation. 

Wendell Phillips analyzed Andrew Johnson as essentially 
"a Southern poor white, of considerable but rude mental 
capacity, great obstinacy, and some courage." He con- 
sidered his Union position at the outset as largely moulded 
by his hatred of the planter-lawyer politicians who were on 
top in the South, and especially from his personal hostility 
to Jefferson Davis. Mr. Phillips expressed it as his convic- 
tion that the Tennessean, in managing the "restoration" of 
the late rebel states, desired more to bring those who flouted 
him to his presence as personal suppliants for amnesty, so 
that he could arrange for future political dealings, than for 
any other consequences of the policy ^he was pursuing. In 
other words he wished to impress them, said Mr. Phillips, 
with the "I-told-you-so" idea. The anti-slavery agitator 
declared that the aim was to destroy the cause and party 
that had carried the war through, and to re-create the old 
opposition to the North and New England as the "Union 
Democracy.'' I remember distinctly that, in going over 
Johnson's amnesty proclamation, he pointed out that the 
thirteen exceptions to its general provisions embraced the 
representatives of every controlling grade to be found in the 
South. The word "restoration" was to Mr. Phillips a posi- 
tive proof of a design to rebuild as nf-ar to the old lines as 
possible — the freed people to be made by adverse laws the 
serfs of the community, nominally free, but in reality worse 
off than when held as chattels, for the property instinct as 
well as the somewhat parental side of personal servitude 
came in to modify and ameliorate. 

Mr. Phillips declared the settlement of the negro's civil 
status to be an issue more crucial for the future of the 
republic than the worse crisis of the Union struggle, if it 
had been decided adversely, would have been. His opinions 
in regard to labor and capital are all part of history, and 
need not be repeated by me, but in talking at the time he 
related them distinctly to the general welfare. I recall his 
taking down a bound volume of pamphlets and reading 
from a speech of ex-Governor McDuffie of South Carolina, 
the words of contempt which described his idea of the char- 
acter and condition of "free" wage-paid labor. "If the 
South wins this contest that and worse will become th^ 
truth as to all labor in this land," said Mr. Phillips. 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS. 241 

I was struck as never before with the keen comprehension 
he showed, the sagacious insight into men and movements, 
and the limitations which the play of politics superinduced 
and imposed. All this suddenly impressed me with the 
conviction that he could in truth be if he desired a great 
political leader. Feeling how fine a thing it would be to 
see him seated in the United States senate, I said so, and 
with abrupt frankness expressed a conviction that he 
could be elected if he so desired. He smiled at my earnest- 
ness, shook his head sadly, and said that, if it could be 
achieved in honor, there was nothing he w6uld more desire 
than the senatorship. He then proceeded to show that it 
was not possible, for to the end of his usefulness he must 
remain the "critic" and "agitator." And what a meaning 
he conveyed in those simple words! , 

When I left for Washington, it was with a distinct com- 
prehension of the situation from the standpoint of thin 
master-mind. He gave me many letters, which opened 
large confidences to me. I was able to convey to Henry 
Wilson the story of an understanding and feeling so warm 
and kind that it instantly blotted from his memory the 
sharp sayings with which sometimes Phillips had barbed 
his shafts. The letter I presented to Thaddeus Stevens 
made the "old commoner" my friend. So with others. 
Senator Sumner recalled me pleasantly with a twinkling 
recollection of the pertinacity with which I had almost 
become his shadow in the dangerous winter days preceding 
the civil war. That's another story, however, that will 
bear telling sometime. It was, I recall, with a merry smile 
that Mr. Phillips turned when he was about to indite the 
note to Senator Sumner, and asked with what rank I had 
l»een mustered out. When I mentioned my actual and 
brevet titles, he laughed a little and said, "We will use the 
largest. It won't hurt you with the senator." 

Our correspondence until Grant came in was frequent and 
intimate. Whenever Phillips came to Washington or I was 
elsewhere near him, we always met. At his request during 
the sharpest period of reconstruction I became the unac- 
knowledged and unpaid Washington correspondent of the 
Anti-Slavery Standard, writing regular weekly letters 
over the signature of "Watchman," and special ones over 
that of "Amodeus." Some of these caused a sensation at 
the time, for 1 was "inside" on many matters and could hit 
"the white" when I desired or it was necessary. Mr. Phil- 
lips from the first was distrustful of Mr. Chase, not doubting 
his fidelity to freedom, but dreading greatly his egotism and 



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242 THE ARENA. 

wounded ambition. From his standpoint he was not mis- 
taken. The orator had from the first a good insight into 
Grant's character, regarding him as a firm, able, and honest 
man politically, whose mistakes arose from want of 
special experience in the position to which he was called. 
The relations of Mr. Sumner and General Grant were a 
source of keen regret to him, and though, as was natural, he 
stood by the friend and coworker of a lifetime, it was with- 
out harsh criticism of the great soldier. 

Memory crowds, and the shadows, luminous and gray, file 
before me. There is much' more to say, but I must reluc- 
tantly elose these halting reminiscences of the most 
knightly life and the finest soul and brain it has been my 
good fortune to meet and honor. 



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THE EIGHT OP THE CHILD CONSIDERED IN 
THE LIGHT OF HEREDITY AND PRE- 
NATAL INFLUENCE. 



BY B. O. FLOWER. 



There has grown up in America an artificially imposed silence upon all questions 
relating to maternity until that holy thing has become a matter almost of shame. 
Will not the women try and break this down? It seems to me life will be truer and 
nobler the more we recognize that there is no indelicacy in the climax and coronation 
of creative power, but rather that it ia the highest glory of our race. — Lady Henry 
Somerset. 

So intimately are the interests of the individual asso- 
ciated with those of the race that the slightest infraction of 
the law of equal justice on the part of any of the units who 
compose society carries with it far-reaching and baleful con- 
sequences. The extent of evil resulting from the persistent 
refusal to recognize this fundamental truth upon which 
progress rests will not be fully perceived until the solidarity 
of the race is realized by society and until the implications 
and obligations which this recognition carries with it are 
appreciated by the people. He is, indeed, a shallow philoso- 
pher who sees hope for humanity in anything less than the 
luminous truth expressed by the Golden Rule — that great 
basic law of happiness, progress, and development — under- 
stood and put more or less clearly by earth's truest prophets 
throughout all ages. 

The sickness, misery, and evil of to-day result so largely 
from ignorance and shortsighted selfishness, which lead 
men to ignore this underlying law of true civilization, that 
it becomes the imperative duty of those who appreciate the 
importance of educating the mind and conscience to impress 
upon individuals the dignity of life and the solemn obliga- 
tions it carries with it. Nowhere are these responsibilities 
so grave or far-reaching in their effect as in the domain of 
parenthood. Here the unborn receive the destiny-stamping 
and life-moulding impress of hereditary and prenatal influ- 
ences, reenforced by the lasting impressions which come 
through early environment Here, before individual re- 

243 



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244 THE ARENA. 

/ sponsibility begins, the helpless little one is blessed or 
cursed; is dowered with a regal heritage — health, strength 
of mind, and a clean soul — or cursed with a diseased body, 
an irresolute will, or a passion-dominated nature. 

There is no truth of major importance so little discussed, 
or about which there is such widespread ignorance, as the 
all-important one relating to an intelligent conception of 
the duties, responsibilities, and obligations of parenthood. 
Conventional society, as though conscious of its guilt and 
tfhame, maintains a silence as injurious to civilization as 
it is fatal to a large proportion of the multitudinous little 
lives which are annually swept into this world as unwel- 
come accidents or the fruitage of unbridled lust The pul- 
pit, popular educators, and the opinion-forming press 
should unite in a tireless campaign in behalf of the unborn. 
This would be a move toward a permanent reformation, by 
enlightening the minds and arousing the consciences of men 
and women, and would thus lead to a cleansing of the foun- 
tain of life at its very source. Unfortunately an all-embrac- 
ing paralysis seems to have fallen upon most of those agen- 
cies which exert the most influence in awakening the moral 
susceptibilities of man. The press unites in a conspiracy 
of silence so far as discussing the question is con- 
cerned, while the frightful results of the reign of ignorance 
and animality are set forth with startling force in the 
records of murder prompted by jealousy, offences against 
morality, suicides, and many other abnormal deeds, as well 
as in the records of disease and suffering entailed by heredi- 
tary taints transmitted from parent to child. The gravity 
of this problem cannot be overdrawn, for it affects the 
present and the future. It has to do with the well-being of 
society no less than that of the individual. 

T know it is difficult to impress people with the true sig- 
nificance of the indisputable and unchallenged facts relat- 
ing to this subject, because of the anaesthesia of the public 
conscience, due to centuries of ignorance and lust. And 
yet, so hopeless is the outlook for enduring civilization 
unless men and women of conscience be enlightened, that 
longer silence becomes a crime of measureless proportions. 
It is impossible to make the cannibal appreciate the horror 
we feel for his frightful practice, and so I believe that in a 
future purer and brighter day the race will look back upon 
the long night of triumphant animalism, with its genera- 
tions of children of passion, with much the same feeling of 
loathing and disgust with which we view the cannibal. 
And it is from this higher plane of justice and sound moral- 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 24/> 

ity that I wish to discuss the question of heredity and pre- 
natal influence. Hence, for the present at least, I trust the 
reader will divest his mind of all prejudice and examine 
this problem in a strictly impersonal and judicial spirit. 

At the very threshold of the discussion we are confronted 
with multitudinous illustrations of the misery entailed upon 
the innocent by ignorance and a brutal disregard for the 
most solemn obligations which attach to life. Take, for 
example, the eloquent and tragic story of Chilmarth on the 
Island of Martha's Vineyard. Here, among the first set- 
tlers who came, now twelve generations ago, were two deaf 
persons. To-day, one in every twenty-five persons in that 
section is deaf, while a large number of the inhabitants are 
blind, and several are idiots. A scholarly physician, in a 
recent essay, in referring to this region observes: 

"This community, isolated from the outer world, has not 
only retained its primitive customs and manners, but the 
physical taint in the original stock has also produced a 
plenteous harvest of affliction. In one collateral branch 
deafness has occurred and disappeared and recurred with 
curious atavistic perseverance. In another collateral 
branch blindness has pursued the same wayward but persist- 
ent course. Blindness and deafness are, therefore, not the 
offspring of idiocy, but each defect has grown more and 
more intense in its particular line of descent, until what was 
at first only a defective sense becomes a deterioration of 
the entire central shrine of the mind, and an idiot is born. 
At Chilmarth the mental and physical progress is down- 
wards." 

Not only is the law of heredity visible in the reproduction 
of serious physical defects, which prove progressive in their 
trend toward fatal deterioration of mind and body, but 
quite as significant and terrible an illustration of the invari- 
able law is found in the scores of sufferers one meets with 
on every hand, who are under sentence of death by cancer, 
consumption, and other hereditary diseases. The spectacle 
of these condemned ones frantically clinging to life, while 
day by day the ravages of disease are more apparent and 
their agony is greater, is enough to awaken feeings of min- 
gled horror and commiseration. But centuries of criminal 
silence and unchallenged indulgence have so dulled the 
moral sentiment and deadened the conscience that men and 
women affected with hereditary disease scruple not in call- 
ing into life child after child, apparently unconscious of the 
enormity of the moral offence they are committing. 

And as we advance a step we enter still deeper shadows, 



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246 THE ABKNA. 

for we are brought face to face with an innocent throng 
who have inherited a passion for drink. A large number of 
these unfortunates have been begotten when one of the 
parents was inflamed by liquor. They have come into the 
world dowered with animal propensities, abnormally strong 
and ungovernable; an ever-present craving for stimulants 
appears to be chronic; they have inherited an appetite for 
drink much stronger than their will-power. Here are some 
striking cases given to me by Dr. George W. Pope of Wash- 
ington, D. C, the facts of which have in each instance come 
partially under his personal observation, while additional 
details relating to the cases have been taken from data 
carefully obtained. 

"A. was a steady drinker from youth, as had been his 
father and grandfather before him, drinking several times 
daily and frequently indulging in heavy drinking bouts. He 
was of a highly aristocratic, talented, and wealthy family of 
Southern planters; very hospitable — kept open house, 
liquors always on the sideboard; and prided himself on his 
blue blood and lineage. A. married a talented and accom- 
plished young lady of noble character and aristocratic fam- 
ily of temperate habits, never indulging in drink. A's habit 
of drinking, though not to excess, was confirmed several 
years before his marriage. The fruit of that union was 
three children, two sons, who resembled the father in phys- * 
ical appearance and character traits, and a daughter who 
resembled her mother; the latter married happily and 
became the mother of healthy and good children, a credit to 
the family. The two sons of A. manifested a taste for drink 
in early youth, and the eldest, with the habit confirmed, 
married a young woman of temperate habits and ancestry. 
He died of mania a potn, leaving his widow with two chil- 
dren, now about twenty and twenty-five years old. In spite 
of the efforts of their mother and friends, these boys had 
inherited their father's appetite and early took to drink; 
they are now confirmed hard drinkers, having at intervals 
periodical sprees, which often end in delirium tremens. A.'s 
other son is living, a corffirmed inebriate, perfectly 
worthless, and supported by his friends. It will be noticed 
in this case that the male children and grandchildren of A. 
closely resembled him in physical appearance, temperament, 
and character traits, but none of them showed their ances- 
tor's mental ability. I have observed this fact in many 
cases. 

U B., C, and D. were three sons of a well-to-do farmer, a 
steady drinker, as also were his father and grandfather. B. 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 247 

and C. resembled their father in- physical appearance and 
character traits; became early addicted t© drink, never mar- 
ried, and died drunkards. D. resembled his mother, who 
never drank, and came of temperate ancestry. With the 
sad fate of his father and two brothers before his eyes, I). 
never touched liquor and became a well-to-do banker and 
accumulated wealth. Unfortunately he married a young 
woman whose fathec and grandfather were drunkards, and 
she resembled them in personal appearance and character 
traits, but never used liquor in any form. Four sons and 
two daughters were the result of that union. The sons 
resembled the paternal grandfather and early manifested an 
sippetite for and took to drink. When their father died the 
property was equally divided and they immediately plunged 
into the wildest excesses, squandered their property, and 
became confirmed inebriates. They never married. One 
died of delirium tremens, one was killed in a drunken brawl, 
and one cut his throat in a drunken frenzy. The last is 
still living; a half -demented drunkard. With his death the 
male branch of that family will become extinct. Now for 
the two girls, who resembled the maternal grandfather. 
One became a confirmed inebriate after an unhappy mar- 
riage. The other is insane from having indulged in whiskey, 
opium, and chloral. In this case the drink propensity has 
passed through one generation in a quiescent, non-devel- 
oped state, and has evolved in full activity in the second 
generation, to the destruction of both branches of the fam- 
ily. 

"E. was a steady drinker, the habit confirmed before mar- 
riage; the same also having been the case with his father 
and grandfather. All lived to a good old age, became very 
hard drinkers, and died of the chronic diseases induced 
thereby. He inherited a fine farm, kept a country inn, and 
ran a liquor still, manufacturing corn whiskey, apple 
brandy, cider brandy, and gin — the popular drinks of th<> 
farming community in those days. He married a good- 
looking, hard-working country girl, descended from tem- 
perate ancestry. The fruit of that marriage was three 
sons — Robert, Thomas, and John — and four daughters — 
Maria, Emily, Isabel, and Julia. All these sons and daugh- 
ters resembled their father in personal appearance and 
character traits, being a remarkably fine-looking and intel- 
ligent family. The boys early manifested a taste for drink, 
which was fostered by their father's habits and the whiskey 
still. Fortunately they never married; became confirmed 
hard drinkers, and no girls in the neighborhood would accept 



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248 THE ABEtfA. 

them because of their habits, Robert, while intoxicated, 
accidentally fell into the boiling whiskey-mash vat and was 
of course burned to death. Thomas died of delirium tre- 
mens. John became a half-demented, sodden inebriate and 
was frozen to death one cold night in the fields. 

"The girls never manifested the slightest inclination for 
liquor, and with the fate of their brothers before their eyes, 
conceived a perfect horror of it. Being remarkably hand- 
some and attractive in appearance and manners and also 
thoroughly good and industrious, they soon found excellent 
husbands residing in distant parts of the country. Maria 
married a smart, rising young lawyer, Emily a thriving mer- 
chant, Isabel a well-to-do farmer, and Julia a popular clergy- 
man. All these husbands were perfectly temperate men, 
came of temperate ancestry, and never drank liquor in any 
shape, nor permitted it in their houses. Children were born 
to these four families, and the same dreadful inheritance of 
appetite for drink passed through these innocent and good 
mothers in its quiescent or germ state and evolved in full 
flower in all their male children, who resembled them in per- 
sonal appearance and traits. Maria had two sons, both of 
whom manifested, while mere boys, an appetite for drink 
before twelve years of age, and in spite of all the efforts of 
the father and mother^ became confirmed inebriates. The 
elder died of mania a potu at twenty-two. The younger 
married a most excellent young woman of temperate ances- 
try; is a hard, steady drinker; has four boys, who are all con- 
firmed hard drinkers and perfectly worthless. Emily had 
three boys and two girls. The boys all died from diseases 
incident to drink. The girls are unmarried. Isabel had a 
boy and girl. The former, an inebriate, was killed by acci- 
dent. The fate of the girl is unknown. Julia, the wife of 
the clergyman, had two daughters, both beautiful and 
accomplished women, who married wealthy and temperate 
men and have male children, five in all. These boys are 
mere loungers and loafers about town, perfectly worthless, 
drinking whenever they can get an opportunity, quarrel- 
some and often confined in the station-house. They are 
supported by their fathers, who have long since given up all 
hopes of their reformation. It is doubtful whether a worse 
instance of inherited and widespread bibulous propensities 
can be found anywhere." 

The inheritance of an apparently uncontrollable appetite 
for drink is by no means the only curse transmitted to the 
young as a result of the indulgence in liquor on the part of 
parents. The mental faculties of such children are fre- 



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THE EIGHT OF THE CHILD. 249 

quently impaired; they are often weak-willed or irresolute, 
while sometimes they are morbidly obstinate; their mind 
lacks the poise or balance which marks the normal child, 
and their moral natures are in many instances blunted to 
such a degree that they seem unable to detect the line of 
demarcation between right and wrong. The frequent 
absence of affectional instincts is another startling charac- 
teristic of liquor-begotten children. The very thoughtful 
essayist, Hugues Le Roux, in an English review, vividly 
illustrated the hereditary effects of alcoholic indulgence. 
In this contribution, which discusses some phases of crime in 
Faris, the author cites the eminent Dr. Paul Gamier, chief 
medical officer of the prefecture of police in Paris, as author- 
ity for the statement that "In Paris during the past sixteen 
years lunacy has increased thirty per cent." This astound- 
ing statement is followed by some facts, no less impressive, 
which bear directly upon the question in hand, and from 
which I make the following extract: 

"The progress of alcoholic insanity has been so rapid that 
the evil is now twice as prevalent as it was fifteen years ago. 
Almost a third of tlie lunacy cases observed at tlie Depot 
Infirmary are due to this disease. Every day it declares 
itself more violently, and with a more marked homicidal 
tendency. The accomplice of two-thirds of the crimes com- 
mitted, upon whom the criminals themselves throw the 
responsibility of their evil deeds, is alcohol. It visits upon 
the child the sins of the father, and engenders in the fol- 
lowing generation homicidal instincts. Since I have fre- 
quented the haunts of misery and vice in Paris, I have 
observed gutter children by the hundred, who are only 
awaiting their opportunity to become assassins — the chil- 
dren of drunkards. Moreover, there is a terrible flaw in 
these young wretches — a flaw which doctors do not observe, 
but which the psychologist sees clearly and notes with 
apprehension — the absence of affectional emotions; and 
as a matter of fact, if these criminals are neither ancesthd- 
tiques nor lunatics, their characteristics are insensibility 
and pitilessness." 

The terrible influence of liquor upon the civilization of 
to-morrow is further emphasized by this author in the fol- 
lowing words: 

"A few years ago I was present in Dr. Garnier's consult- 
ing-room, watching the prisoners from the d£pot filing past. 
We were informed that a child had been brought by its 
parents to be examined. These people were shown in; they 
belonged to the respectable working-class, and were quiet 



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250 THE ARENA. 

and well-mannered. The man was the driver of a dray 
belonging to one of the railway stations, and had the appear- 
ance of a stalwart workingman. The boy was barely six 
years old; he had an intelligent, rather pretty face, and was 
neatly dressed. 'See here, Monsieur le Docteur,' said the 
father, 'we have brought you our boy; he alarms us. He is 
no fool ; he begins to read ; they are satisfied with him at his 
school, but we cannot help thinking he must be insane, for 
he wants to murder his little brother, a child of two years 
old. The other day he nearly succeeded in doing so. I 
arrived just in time to snatch my razor from his hands. 9 
The boy stood listening with indifference and Vithout 
hanging his head. The doctor drew the child kindly toward 
him, and inquired, 'Is it true that you wish to hurt your lit- 
tle brother?' With perfect composure the little one 
replied, 1 will kill him; yes, yes, I will kill him!' The doc- 
tor glanced at the father, and asked in a low voice, 'Do you 
drink?' The wife exclaimed indignantly, 'He, sir! Why, 
he never enters a public house, and has never come home 
drunk.' They were quite sincere. Nevertheless the doctor 
said, 'Stretch out your arm.' The man obeyed; his hand 
trembled. Had these people told lies, then, in stating that 
the man had never come home the worse for drink? No; 
but all through the day, wherever he had called to leave a 
package, the people of the house had given him something 
to drink for his trouble. He had become a drunkard with- 
out knotting it, and the poison that had entered his blood 
was, at this moment, filling the head of his little child with 
the dreams of an assassin." 

So important is the influence upon the unborn of the unre- 
strained indulgence of appetites and passions, that it calls 
for special emphasis. The hereditary character of certain 
diseases is now universally recognized, but small heed is 
given to the transmission of mental characteristics and 
moral traits, or to the hereditary influence of abnormal 
appetites and passions, though their effects are quite as 
apparent Here is a striking illustration of the transmis- 
sion of inordinate passional desires; it will doubtless 
call to mind some cases of a similar nature which have come 
within the range of the reader's observation : 

Some years ago I became acquainted with two families 
of boys; they lived in neighboring towns; their fathers had 
been reared in a Southern village during slavery times. At 
the time when I knew these families the fathers were men of 
prominence in the business circles in which they moved. 
One gentleman was the junior member of a large wholesale 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 251 

dry-goods firm; the other was a merchant One of these 
men was not a professor of religion, but he was regarded as 
a moral and upright man. He took special pains to guard 
his sons against the vices which flourished in the city in 
which they lived, although he was not harsh or unduly 
severe in his action. The other gentleman was an elder in 
one of the wealthiest churches in a small neighboring city; 
he was, indeed, recognized as the pillar of the church, and 
although he was less watchful, perhaps, over the habits of 
his sons than the other father, he so appealed to their emo- 
tional nature as to cause both the sons to enter the church 
at an early age. Later, one of them became Sunday-school 
superintendent. But in each family the youths finally de- 
veloped into what Helen Gardener so aptly designates 
"sex maniacs." One of the sons of the wholesale merchant 
ran the gauntlet of vice, burned out the vital forces of body, 
brain, and soul on the altar of unrestrained bestial lust, 
after which he married a poor unsuspecting girl of a some- 
what negative character. In a few years a weak-eyed child 
was born, and the wife became a physical wreck. A 
younger brother of this youth abandoned himself to women 
and wine, and contracted the most horrible of diseases. 
The youngest son was watched with Argus eyes by father 
and mother, who were determined that he should not get 
into the society of vicious boys or corrupt women; but in 
spite of all precautions he contracted evil habits, and at an 
early age had so abused himself as to be a mental and physi- 
cal wreck. He was compelled to leave the common school 
before he graduated, and when I Jast heard from his home 
. he was on the verge of insanity. 

One of the two boys in the other family became very wild, 
visiting houses of bad repute and engaging in escapades 
with girls until his notorious conduct forced the church to 
expel him. He finally married, had three or four children, 
and then deserted his wife and went east The younger 
son was apparently steady and sober; for some years he en- 
joyed the respect of the community. He married an estima- 
ble young lady, and for a little time all went well; a beauti- 
ful baby girl was born. If this young man had been wild 
before his marriage it was not generally known, but some 
time later he conceived a violent passion for a pretty cousin 
of his wife. He was a Chesterfield in manners, and like 
fair Cassio he seemed "framed to make women false." Not 
that his personal appearance was specially attractive, but 
his voice was soft, musical, and wonderfully effective when 
it dropped into sostenuto tones. He was poetic and had a 



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252 THE ABENA. 

wealth of imagination, was cultured and as fine a letter- 
writer as I have ever known. After the episode with the 
wife's cousin, he seemed to lose what moral restraint he 
formerly possessed and launched out on a course of 
debauchery which eclipsed his brother's mad career. Soon 
he took to drink, and later to morphine. He left his city 
in disgrace, but owing to his fine business qualifications he 
obtained a lucrative position in another city; his family 
remained behind. For some time on certain occasions he 
passed himself off as an unmarried man, a practice which 
he kept up even after his family joined him. He succeeded 
in ruining several girls. Ultimately his extravagant habits 
led him to expend more than he could earn, and he waft 
arrested and imprisoned. 

Well do I remember the comments of a gentleman who 
was one of the most respected citizens in the community 
where the fathers of those families of boys were raised. 
Some one remarked that it seemed incredible that two such 
moral and upright men could be the parents of boys so 
morally abandoned. "Ah!" replied the old gentleman from 
the boyhood home of the older men, "if you knew the kind of 
boys they were you would not wonder. They were the ter- 
ror of the community. They sowed their wild oats, and 
then settled down to sober and respectable lives, but it 
somehow seems that the bad results of their sowing did 
not end with the degradation and misery they wrought 
in our community." No, Nature will not be mocked. 
Her laws are inexorable; while ruining and polluting 
poor helpless girls, these boys were doing what all 
wbo prostitute themselves do — poisoning their own 
souls, and preparing to transmit the virus of moral 
degradation and abnormal sexual passions to their 
offspring after marriage. *I have carefully understated 
rather than overdrawn the details of these cases, which, 
though extreme, illustrate a very vital fact 

The inherently immoral "wild-oats" theory is one of the 
outcroppings of low moral concepts, due to centuries of 
disregard for the rights of the unborn, and to the toleration 
of the double standard of morals. This theory, so fatal to 
healthy morality, will not be overthrown until society is 
compelled to recognize the moral responsibilities and obliga- 
tions of the parent to the child. So long as our young men 
pollute their souls and allow their minds to become poi- 
soned with sensual ideals and low imaginings, so long will 
motherhood be debauched in wedlock and the offspring b6 
creatures of lust rather than godlike, reason-ruled beings. 



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THE BIGHT OP THE CHILD. 253 

Positive and well established as is the influence of heredity 
upon the life of man, it is by no means the only destiny-shap- 
ing agency which operates before the child is born. The 
general environment, the mental attitude of the mother, and 
the moral and intellectual atmosphere in which she spends 
the months before the infant's birth exert a very posi- 
tive effect upon the life of the offspring; an effect which has 
been but little considered, owing to the almost universal 
silence preserved by civilization on all questions relating 
to proper generation. Hence a large proportion of people 
are ignorant of the power of prenatal influence, while some 
narrow thinkers, who are incapable of viewing any subject 
broadly, discredit this potent factor in proper generation, 
because they have observed in some cases characteristics 
which seemingly contradict its claims. These, however, 
will almost always, if not invariably, be seen to be due to 
powerful hereditary traits, transmitted by one or botli 
parents, or to early environment, which also has so much to 
do with shaping the bent of mind and the characteristics 
and desires of life. It has only been in recent years that 
any serious investigation along the lines of modern critical 
methods have been undertaken in this field of research, but 
the results are overwhelmingly conclusive. And with the 
agitation of the question the data of reliable facts are 
rapidly increasing, and prove how much the future of the 
child depends upon the environment and mental attitude of 
the mother during the months which elapse prior to its 
birth. 

A friend of mine, who is a writer of great vigor and power, 
known throughout the length and breadth of our country, 
related to me some personal experiences which are interest- 
ing contributions to the data of prenatal influences. She 
said: "After my marriage I was bitterly disappointed in 
my husband and in married life. Indeed, I was so wretched 
I could not refrain from crying every little while. During 
this time I found I was to become a mother, which, under 
the circumstances, increased my wretchedness. Wh^ji the 
child was born it reflected in a truly startling manner my 
mental condition during the period of gestation. When 
a little tot, while playing with its toys, it would fre- 
quently begin to sob and cry. I would say, 'Why, child, 
what is the matter?' and she would answer, Tse only tying.' 
A second child came. During the period preceding its 
birth my husband would treat me harshly, and even cruelly 
at times, and would then want to make it up and endeavor 
to fondle me. I hated his caresses and kisses more than 



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254 THE ABBNA. 

his harshness, for my love and respect for him were gone. 
Well, the child, who was physically a beautiful little thing, 
would often be picked up and hugged by friends and callers, 
and it would invariably cry out in bitter tones, *I hate to be 
tissed, I hate to be tissed'; in its words expressing exactly 
the sentiments I had felt previous to the birth of the little 
one." Before the third child came to this union, in which 
life was a virtual prostitution for the mother, my friend 
turned to literature for a solace. A neighbor loaned her 
Swedenborg's works, which she read with avidity. "Indeed, 
they seemed to carry me into a new world," she said. 
"When the child came it was such a comfort to me; the 
coronal region was marvellously well developed, and the 
child seemed to be a natural mystic When quite yoilng 
it evinced a passion for metaphysical thought and would 
eagerly listen to my reading works far deeper than could 
be comprehended by any other child I ever knew. She did 
not reach maturity, however, falling a victim to the heroic 
treatment of a physician." 

Another Very marked instance of prenatal influence is 
found in the family of a leading actor and actress, who are 
also great students of economic and philosophical problems. 
During the nine months preceding the birth of one of theii* 
little girls the mother became engrossed in Herbert Spen- 
cer's writings and other deep literature. She lived in a kind 
of mental intoxication. The child reflects the mother's men- 
tal condition in a most striking manner; she is one of the 
finest reasoners I have known among children, a born philos- 
opher, and a poet and story- writer of great promise. At 
school, her teacher refused to believe she had written her 
composition, ascribing it to her parents, and to punish the 
child marked her zero for work which so far eclipsed that 
of other children that it was deemed impossible that it 
could be the product of a child mind. At last the 
heart-broken little girl asked the teacher to give her 
a subject and let her write upon it in school. 
This was done, and to the amazement of the teacher 
it was found equal to the former work. Another child 
came into this home under most favorable conditions. The 
mother was in a joyous frame of mind; she was rehearsing 
and playing during the earlier months of maternity a cheer- 
ful, lovable, and winsome character, and the little girl is a 
reflex of this character. She is a veritable sunbeam; her 
heart goes out in love to everyone, and, as would naturallv 
be expected, she is a general favorite among young and old. 

How much the assumption by his mother of the roles of 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 255 

Ophelia, Cordelia, and other sad, gloomy, and trying per- 
sonations, had to do with imparting profound melancholy to 
the mind of Edgar Allan Poe will never be known, but the 
fact remains that the mother lived in the sombre intellectual 
atmosphere essential to a proper interpretation of Shake- 
speare's great tragedies during the earlier months before 
the birth of the poet, who himself was in so many respects 
a seeming counterpart of the Hamlet of Shakespeare's 
imagination. 

Dr. Sydney Harrington Elliot, in the course of a thought- 
ful essay on "Prenatal Culture"* cites the following inter- 
esting facts connected with the birth of historical person- 
ages and persons noted for precocity in special directions: 

"The case of Napoleon Bonaparte affords an interesting 
illustration. His natural inclination for war while still a 
mere child was remarkable. The subject was ever in his 
mind; he was constantly talking of it and anxiously looking 
forward to the time when he could enter upon a military 
life. When he was only a few years old he delighted in 
thunderstorms; he loved to hear the pedis of thunder and 
to see the lightning. This tendency was so strong that 
sometimes it was impossible to induce him to seek shelter 
during a storm; instead, he would expose himself to the 
elements, delighting in their fury. Although he had four 
brothers, none of them ever displayed any fondness for war 
while young, nor at any time marked military ability. This 
remarkable instinct for war is accounted for as follows; 
Napoleon's mother was surrounded with scenes of battle, 
skirmishes, and quick marches, during the months preceding 
his birth. She accompanied her husband on horseback upon 
a military campaign, and moreover deeply interested herself 
in strategy and the arts of war. She thus conferred upon 
her son a love of conquest and a military genius before 
which all Europe trembled for many years. 

"Robert Burns is another noteworthy instance of remark- 
able genius imparted through prenatal influence. His 
mother was of cheerful disposition, though in humble and 
often pinched circumstances. She had an excellent memory 
for old songs and ballads, and she sang them constantly as 
she went about her household duties. By the constant 
exercise of this order of mental faculties, she conferred upon 
her eldest son a degree of ability which she herself did not 
possess. 

"M. A. de Frarifcre has given some interesting cases, illus- 

* The ARENA. Anffu*t, 1804. In his work on " JSdoeolorr " Dr. Elliot has grouped 
a great number of interesting cases illustrating prenatal influences. ^^ 



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256 THE AKENA. 

trating how musical talent has been conferred on the off- 
spring as a result of the mother cultivating this talent in 
herself during gestation. He has also given examples in 
which the parent or parents were possessed of marked 
musical talent, but who had children of no musical ability, 
as the mother was not exercising her musical faculties dur- 
ing the time she was pregnant The value of these cases 
from this writer is enhanced by Lis having personal knowl- 
edge of each. 

"The first case is that of Luigi Ricci, who on August 15, 
1861, when he was only eight years old, directed the singers 
at the Basilique de San Giusto, at Trieste, where they per- 
formed a mass of his own composition. The church was 
crowded. In an account of Luigi, written at Boulogne, the 
writer says, 'Everyone in the town attributes the precocious 
musical intelligence of the little Luigi to the exceptional 
position in which the mother found herself while enveinte. 9 

"Wolfgang Mozart was another notable instance of latent 
musical talent, as was also tl^e daughter of Madame Borghi- 
Mamo. M. de Frari&re says that in each of these children 
the wonderful display of musical genius is accounted for 
by the mother exercising her musical talents and being sur- 
rounded by musical people during her pregnancy. He goes 
on to say: 1 learn from the brother of the celebrated Wolf- 
gang, who died at Milan, and who, by the way, had no dispo- 
sition for music, that their mother had cultivated music dur- 
ing the early years of her married life, but that she had after- 
wards abandoned it and even taken a dislike to it after her 
first two accouchernents. Then this brother was born under 
the latter influence, and he had no musical talent.' 

"In regard to the little daughter of Madame Borghi-Mamo, 
the Journal le Nord, Nov. 14, 1859, contained the following 
lines: 'The little daughter of Madame Borghi-Mamo, three 
or four years of age, already displays a decided talent for 
music. It is wonderful to hear this virtuose en herhe % who 
has never received a lesson, as you may imagine, sing from 
one end to the other the part of Rosine from having heard 
it practised. She reproduces with her little crystal voice 
all the turns, all the elegances, and all the most delicate 
expressions and flourishes. No shade of the impersonation 
escapes this miniature Rosine. At the time when Madame 
Borghi-Mamo was enceinte, she sang constantly; she even 
sang on the very eve of the day on which they could print 
that mother and child were doing well/ 

"Zerah Colburn (born in Cabot, Vl, Sept. 1, 1804, died 
March 2, 1840) was a prodigy in arithmetical calculation. 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 257 

At six years of age be manifested such powers of computa- 
tion as to astonish the learned world. Questions in multi- 
plication of five places of figures, reduction, rule of three, 
compound fractions, and obtaining factors of large numbers 
were answered with accuracy and with marvellous quick- 
ness. Among the questions propounded to him on his visit 
at Harvard College were the following: How many days 
and hours in 1811 years? His answer, given in twenty sec- 
onds, was 661,015 days, 15,864,360 hours. How many sec- 
onds in eleven years? The answer, given in four seconds, 
was 346,896,000. The reason for this remarkable arithmet- 
ical talent was that, a few months before his birth, his 
mother, who had never been taught arithmetic, had on her 
mind for a day and a night a puzzling question as to how 
many yards of cloth a given amount of yarn which she had 
would make. To a person understanding arithmetic this 
would be a simple problem, but she had to do it by a mental 
process, without rule, and this extraordinary effort on her 
part was organized in her child and made him a genius in 
mental arithmetic. 

'Two cases which occurred in the family of Dr. S., dean 

of Medical College, relate especially to adaptability to 

the medical and legal profession, and were told by him in 
person to the writer. . One of his sons was a born doctor, 
and it was attributed to the mother, during this son's gesta- 
tion, devoting much of her attention to medical subjects. It 
might be claimed by some that this talent was inherited 
from the father. This cannot be said, however, of another 
son, who took little interest in medical subjects, but was 
naturally adapted to the bar. Dr. S. stated that this was 
owing to the mother, when pregnant with this son, spending 
much of her time studying legal questions. 

**Dr. Edward Garraway cites the following case *: 'A 
lady of refined taste was in the habit of sitting before a 
group of statuary, with one little figure of which she was 
greatly enamored. This was a Cupid reposing, his cheek 
resting on the back of his hand. When her baby was born, 
his resemblance in form and feature to the little Cupid was 
at once striking. On seeing him the next day in his cradle, 
I perceived he had assumed the precise attitude of the 
statuette — the cheek upon the back of the hand; and this 
position he invariably, and of course involuntarily, adopted 
during sleep, not only throughout infancy, but up to 
advanced boyhood, when I lost sight of him/ " 

• BrttishMedical Journal, 1886. 



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258 THE ARENA. 

Dr. Elliot* gives the following case, which will prove 
interesting and suggestive to thoughtful people: 

"This instance, which occurred in the family of Mrs.*B., is 
as follows: 'A neighbor living next door to her, who had 
recently come from the South, and to whom she was an 
entire stranger, was taken seriously ill. Mrs. B. took a 
great interest in her, and was constantly with her during 
this long sickness. The sick friend at the time of her ill- 
ness was grieving over the death of a beautiful little girl, 
which happened some time before the mother was taken 
sick. In her bedroom was a life-size painting of this child, 
taken at the age of seven months. Mrs. B. was pregnant at 
the time of her new friend's illness, and was very much 
impressed by the painting of the lovely child, the mother 
talking almost constantly of it When Mrs. B.'s baby was 
born, so great was the likeness that her friend insisted on its 
being named after her child ; and at the age of seven months 
the most intimate friends of the family could hardly be con- 
vinced that the portrait was not that of the living child. At 
the present time, although the girl has grown up, she is 
entirely unlike her own people, and retains a surprising 
resemblance to the Southern family.' The father of the 
dead girl was still in the South, where he had been living 
for two years." 

Lady Henry Somerset cites the case of the great limner, 
Flaxman. He had a mother who was so desirous of creat- 
ing the beautiful that she procured the most exquisite 
studies of Greek art and arranged them around her, in order 
that her imagination might be steeped in their beautiful 
forms. 

The views of Theosophists and Buddhists in regard to 
"souls" are radically unlike those entertained by Western 
civilization. But believers in reincarnation are by no 
means indifferent to the supreme importance of the 
mother's mental condition and environment during gesta- 
tion. They hold that not only should the mother live in the 
highest intellectual and moral atmosphere and be sur- 
rounded by the purest and finest environment possible, but 
that she should ardently centre her thoughts on some noble 
ideal for her child, and that this, in conformity to the law of 
attraction, draws the kind of ego which she desires from the 
world of upward-journeying souls. They are very insistent 
that the mother should assume a positive rather than a neg- 
ative attitude.. In this connection the following description 
of a well-born child by Mrs. M. Louise Mason is of special 
interest. I would observe here that the young Miss Mason 

•«• JSdcBology." 



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THE BIGHT OF THE CHILD. 259 

has been most successful in delivering courses of lectures 
before classes and bodies interested in spiritual and intel- 
lectual development The face of this remarkable young 
lady is singularly beautiful, displaying amiability, purity, 
strength, and thoughtfulness. Of her Mrs. Mason writes: * 

"I am the happy mother of one child, a daughter, born of 
love not lust, who is now twenty-five years old. 

"I believe in reincarnation. I make this statement that 
I may be understood in declaring that the ego about to take 
upon itself the human form does unmistakably affect the 
mother in very many instances; sometimes during the entire 
period of nine months, again only for a few days, weeks, or 
months, according to the mother's physical strength, mutual 
peace, and, above all, her material circumstances. If she is 
free from care and anxiety, surrounded with all that may 
tend to help the love-nature, she will overcome unpleasant 
traits of the soul that has been attracted to herself. 

"In my own case, I was for the first six weeks overcome by 
an inexpressible loneliness, feeling sad and full of grief; 
after that period my surroundings were more to my liking, 
and I very soon became joyous, hopeful, and ambitious. I 
had a desire to become a great musician; I was filled with 
regret that I had not a musical education. 

"At that time I had never known of prenatal influence or 
reincarnation ; only had been warned by an elder sister (my 
mother dying when I was very young) that I must be very 
careful not to 'mark' the unborn child by 'any unpleasant 
sight — that I must always think of my condition and never 
put my hands to my face in fright or grief.' This was to me 
a revelation, and I thought, if a child could be 'marked' for 
evil, why not for good? 

"I would often sit alone in my room, overlooking scenes 
that were pleasant, and, in a peaceful attitude of mind, per- 
fectly passive, desire that my child should be a girl ; that she 
should have a slight figure, chestnut hair, and beautiful 
eyes; that she should be a musician, a singer, and that she 
should be proficient in everything she undertook; that she 
should be superior to all those I had ever known. Here is 
the result: a beautiful woman in mind and body, with chest- 
nut hair, slight physique, and a phenomenal voice — con- 
tralto; she is a philosopher, a student in Delsarte, astron- 
omy, astrology, and masters every study; is eloquent, and 
has one of the most amiable dispositions. 

"Her father desired a boy, and my sympathizing with him 
for a short time in this wish, about the fifth month, has 

• ARENA, September, 1884. 



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260 THE ARENA. 

given her the desire for outdoor sports. She skates, rides, 
rows, shoots, and has many of those little gallantries which 
we see often in the refined man. She has strong inclina- 
tions to teach meu-inannerisms in her Delsarte work; and I 
believe these qualities come from the influence of her father, 
who would not content himself with the thought of the child 
being other than a boy. 

"My six weeks' period of depression and grief was lived 
out by the child in the first six years of her life, when tears 
and unhappiness seemed to be the greater portion of her 
existence. After that came a joyous and ambitious life, 
every day happier than the preceding one. 

"My love for the unborn was so intense that it has created 
invisible lines which have grown with the years, and we 
have communicated our thought by telepathy, three hun- 
dred miles separating us. She has returned that love a 
thousandfold. She is all I desired and more; and 1 am con- 
fident that with mothers educated in the law of prenatal 
influence, and properly surrounded, we could have gods 
upon the earth in the forms of men, created by the highest 
and purest thought It should not be an intense longing on 
the part of the mother, but a quiet, passive thought given, 
that her child should become whatever her heart yearns 
for; then she should rest in the belief until the thought is 
forced upon her again. Be as much in the open mr as possi- 
ble. Do not eat meat; live upon fruit and grain. 

Facts and illustrations of the nature of those given in the 
above narrations might be multiplied indefinitely. These, 
however, are sufficient to emphasize a truth of great impor- 
tance to all thoughtful people. In an intelligent recogni- 
tion of the influence of hereditary and prenatal causes and 
early environment lies, to a very great degree, the hope of 
civilization. This recognition presupposes knowledge and 
conscience. I am persuaded that ignorance is at the root 
of a large majority of the frightful mistakes being blindly 
made by men and women, through which the unborn are 
cursed and the civilization of to-morrow is doomed to suffer. 
In the presence of the great wrong being committed silence 
is a crime. But agitation and the dissemination of facts 
alone will not suffice; we must make a direct appeal to the 
individual conscience. 

If one hundred young men and women in this land, realiz- 
ing the solemn import of this question, enter the marriage 
relation attracted by pure love, untainted by base or sordid 
considerations, and recognizing the great moral responsi- 



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THE RIGHT OF THE CHILD. 261 

bility they assume to the society of to-morrow, no less than 
the sacred obligation they owe to the unborn, we should 
have from these true, pure, and ideal unions children who 
would, I believe, inaugurate an ethical reformation that 
would awaken the moral energies of civilization and lead 
to a higher and truer order of life, a revolution which would 
include the lofty teachings of Socrates, Epictetus, and 
Marcus Aurelius, the exalted ethics of the Golden Rule, the 
moral fervor which characterized the early church before 
she became corrupted, the courage and daring of the leaders 
of the Reformation. Such a revolution must come. Civili- 
zation waits upon its advent. 

And when the new evangel of duty, justice, and a higher 
civilization is preached, it will electrify and morally ener- 
gize the masses; it will awaken the sleeping conscience in 
millions of brains; it will flood the minds of men and women 
with the light of a new hope, born of recognition of an 
urgent truth; it will exalt life, giving to it a dignity and 
divinity which is not as yet realized by society ; and it will so 
reinforce the highest aspirations of multitudes struggling 
under the bondage of hereditary and prenatal influences, 
that they will be able to subdue passion, appetite, and sor- 
did selfishness, which hold their soulsin thrall. When the igno- 
rance and thoughtlessness of man shall give place to a seri- 
ous recognition of the solemn obligations and responsibili- 
ties of parenthood, a wonderful change will come over the 
face of the world. Then the influence of heredity will be 
weighed, and men and women will shrink from a paternity 
which would breed loathsome disease and a frightful death, 
as they to-day would shrink from committing murder; and 
the children who come then will be well-born and welcome. 
Then the wife who is to become a mother will find her win- 
dows filled with flowers and her walls adorned with pic- 
tures. They may not be costly gems of art, but they will be 
sweet, pure, and inspiring; they will stimulate high ideals 
and noble thought; and music will be heard in the home, 
and when the husband comes his words will be sweet and 
tender; the wife will see his love, his concern, and his rever- 
ence for her who has taken upon herself the sacred charge 
of bringing into the world a child who is to bless not curse 
humanity. Then motherhood, instead of being a shame, 
will become something sacred, and the wife who takes upon 
her this august function will receive that reverence and 
regard which is due to the exalted station of one who calls 
into life a welcome child of love. 



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262 THB ABENA. 

The advent of this moral reformation is not so far distant 
as many suppose. From every side we see signs of a 
change, as one sees in Nature when spring is preparing to 
burst the frozen spell of winter. And when it comes it will 
mark the dawning of the brightest day the world has yet 
seen. 



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/ 



A STORY OF PSYCHICAL COMMUNICATION. 



BY LILIAN WHITING. 



On the evening of August 1, 1894, an especially beloved 
friend of mine passed on to the higher life. A series of circum- 
stances had not only peculiarly endeared her to me, but had 
established relations between us of so vitally intimate a nature 
that in my deepest consciousness I regard them as the refistab- 
lishment of ties that must have existed before this present 
incarnation, in which our meeting had borne all the aspects of 
a recognition rather than the beginning of an acquaintance. No 
ties of family are stronger than those in which she held me from 
the moment of our meeting, five years or more previous to her 
death. My senior by a generation, I yet never felt any special 
consciousness of disparity of age. We met on the plane of a 
mutually absorbing interest in literature, art, ethics, and social 
phenomena, and her added years represented to me not age, but 
deeper richness of experience and culture that made younger 
people seem almost crude in comparison. She was a woman of 
brilliant mental endowments and of such talent in the musical 
and dramatic lines that, had her life been a professional one, 
would doubtless have gained for her a wide fame. Circum- 
stances ordered it otherwise, and gifts that could hardly have 
failed to charm the public remained to enrich and exalt private 
Hfe to a more than usually artistic plane. 

While I shall not obtrude her identity in this paper it will 
inevitably reveal itself to many. This is my difficulty in writing 
it. To withhold all the reality of names and places would be to 
give a colorless story devoid of the faintest claim to the valuable 
space of the ARENA. To give these, which I must perforce do 
in order to present any raison cTBtre for writing the story at all, 
is to offer to the reader pages of the most intimate and sacred 
privacy of my own and of other lives. One has one's natural 
shrinkings from such an attitude ; but the importance of real 
testimony to the great subject of psychical investigation, and 
the recognition that the Editor of the ARENA is doing a work 
unique and unparalleled in contemporary literature in the pre- 



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264 THE ARENA. 

sentation of human documents, constrains me. Throughout all 
our common lives we find, if we cut deep enough, this 

" life within, blood-tinctured, of a veined humanity/' 

and one of the chief values of the present day is the mutual 
comparison and criticism of vital experiences. Because of this I 
am venturing to trust that the reader will not feel my story to 
be a violation of the dignity and delicacy of those private and 
personal relations which we all hold sacred. 

My friend, Mrs. S., died on the evening of Aug. 1, 1894, in 
New York City. She owned a beautiful villa at Newport, over- 
looking the harbor, whose Venetian-like loveliness always held 
her with unbroken charm. With this permanent home for the 
summer, she passed her winters wherever fancy suggested — 
in London or on the Continent, in Florida, California, Boston, 
New York, or Washington. Her husband died in 1883; she 
had no children, and she always had with her, as her attendant, 
a hospital nurse whose executive capacity enabled her to com- 
bine many duties. The winter of 1893-94 she had passed in 
New York, and when May came, when she had always before 
gladly opened her Newport villa, her health was unequal to the 
change. She was under the medical care, too, of a noted special- 
ist, and knowing this, I was under the impression that her pro- 
longed stay into the summer was simply the building-up that 
would enable her subsequently to enjoy better health than ever, 
and I was (as it seems now) singularly free from any serious 
apprehensions regarding her condition. 

These were the circumstances, then, when on May 18 of that 
year, I went to have a first sitting with Mrs. R., a psychic in 
Boston. Turning the pages of my journal for the year 1894 
I find, on May 19, this entry : 

Yesterday a sitting with Mrs. B. She told me Miss F. could not live 
very long, but I judge that she meant Mrs. S., as she mixed them up. 

On May 26, 1 find this record : 

A sitting with Mrs. R. again. Her " control " said : " Lady, I mixed 
up your two friends the last time. The elder lady is soon to go into 
spirit life, and she will then be very sorry for the things she has left 
undone for the other lady, K K do I seem to get ? " 

" Yes," I replied, " Kate." 

44 Oh, yes," the " control " went on. " But when she is in spirit life 
she will help her. She will help Kate." 

44 How?" I asked. 

44 Financially," was the reply. 4i She will help her with money." 

44 How can she ? " I questioned. 

44 She will find ways," was the reply. 

I should add that the relations between Miss F. — whom the 
psychic designated as " K.," the initial of her Christian name — 



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A STOBY OF PSYCHICAL COMMUNICATION. 265 

and Mrs. S. were those of aunt and niece, but that all daring the 
early girlhood of the niece they had been more like those of 
mother and daughter. Also that the niece, also, is a friend 
whom I hold in peculiar tenderness of regard, so that there was 
undoubtedly some unseen magnetic connection between us all 
three. 

The next entry in my journal I find is on July 30, 1894, and 
I shall let it unfold its own story, merely prefacing that up to 
and including this date I had felt no apprehension of any cause 
for immediate alarm regarding the life of Mrs. S., whom I be- 
lieved to be gradually improving in health. The entry of July 
30 runs : 

This morning I wakened from one of those curiously impressional 
dreams in which I had been in vivid conversation about Mrs. S. with 
some one on the other side of life. I wakened with the words ringing 
in my ears, u She must go to her beautiful home." I believe so, my- 
self; and what a singular apathy there has seemed to be over all of us 
this summer in no word of protest against her remaining in that hot 
city! I have written to A. [Mrs. S.'s attendant] to-day, begging her to 
take Mrs. S. back to "her beautiful home," as the words of the dream 
impression ran. Someway I feel as if a crisis or something serious 
were at hand, and I am not sure that I will send any more of A.'s daily 
bulletins to Miss F. [the attendant's daily notes which I had been for- 
warding to Mrs. S.'s niece]. I fear it pains her too much and nothing 
can do any good. I feel on a nervous tension to-day as if something 
were going to occur. Doctors are so material. To a woman like Mrs. 
S. the general atmosphere about her would be far more important than 
doctors and drugs. 

Apparently the day of July 31 passed without my hearing 
from my friend's attendant ; but I clearly recall that my own state 
of nervous tension continued, and -hindered me from sleep at 
night. On August 1, 1 find this entry in my journal : 

A letter from A. saying dear Mrs. S. is much worse, and that she 
(A.) is " deeply pained " by my letter urging Mrs. S.'s removal to her 
beautiful home. How little would any of them, the doctor, or nurse, or 
A, believe that it was a warning from the other side of life, but I know, 
now, that it was. 

An entire conviction had now come to me that my friend was 
about to die — not, apparently, resulting from the receipt of a 
letter saying she was much worse, but seeming u borne in upon 
my mind," as our Quaker friends say. I seemed to receive 
telepathically the explanation that the reference to her "beauti- 
ful home," which I had received in that spirit-communion dream, 
did not refer to her villa at Newport, but to that "house, not 
made with hands, eternal in the heavens." I knew she was about 
to die, and that, when my physical powers were passive in sleep 
on that night of July 29-30, 1 had been approached by friends in 
the spiritual life who had told me of the approaching event. I 



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266 THE ARENA. 

even felt a consciousness of identity of the eager speaker to me, 
as being the favorite sister of Mrs. S., who had died many years 
before and of whom she had often talked to me. 

On August 2, the journal record thus runs, telling its own 
story: 

August 2, two P. M. 

Not a word since yesterday, and still I feel perfectly sure that dear 
Mrs. S. is in spirit life, and I am going to write the impression down 
now as a test. Here it is two o'clock in the afternoon, and if she died 
last night it seems impossible that I should not have heard before this 
time, and yet I am sure she has been with me. Last night I went to 
sleep early, and with a curious quiet and calm, after those two nights 
past of wakeful anxiety. I slept perfectly till three A. M., when I was 
suddenly awakened by a kind of electric thrill. I wakened into a per- 
fectly clear consciousness, and exclaimed almost involuntarily : 

44 Dear Mrs. S., are you here? I know you are. Now you are in 
spirit life and I recognize it perfectly. I am not afraid. I am glad 
you are here." 

For three hours, from three till six, I was conscious of her pres- 
ence, and of constant conversation with her by the development of 
some sixth sense. I felt, too, lifted up in a state of exaltation, instead 
of the usual fatigue one experiences in lying awake in the night. 
Later I slept and did not awaken until ten, but ever since I have felt 
her presence, felt as if companioned by her. If she is not in sprit life 
it must be she that came to me in astral presence. 

The next entry : 

Four P. M., August 2. 

The telegram has come. What a comfirmation! Dear Mrs. S. 
passed away at 7.30 last evening. 

44 Eternal rest give unto them, O Lord, and let perpetual light shine 
upon them." How new and strange is this world without Mrs. S. 
in it. 

As I recall that day I remember how curiously the telegram, 
in its tangible and material aspect, brought to me the sense of 
separation by that event of death, while before, while I had a 
perfect consciousness that my friend had died, there had been 
only the sense of reuniting with her. Instead of being in New 
York, too ill to write to me, she was with me. I had gone 
about all day companioned by her presence. The telegram, for 
the moment, effaced all this. It was the sign and symbol of 
our material civilization in which, while we profess the faith of 
the Christian, we conduct ouselves, for the most part, in rela- 
tion to death, as if we were heathen. We affirm with our lips 
and deny by our conduct. All this was in that bit of yellow 
paper. 

By degrees I escaped from that gloom and loss so tradition- 
ally associated with death. The intimate spirit companionship 
grew more real. Her joy in the new state communicated 
itself to me, and I felt a sense of radiant exaltation. 

Between this date and August 8 — a week later — the body 



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A STORY OF PSYCHICAL COMMUNICATION. 267 

of my friend was brought to New England and buried at 
the family home of her husband. Her niece and ray friend, 
Miss F., had remained in Boston for a few days, and on the 
morning of August 8 had left for New York. I had seen her 
off on the ten o'clock express and hastened home intent on 
some press work which had to be completed and mailed that 
evening. Nothing was more remote from my mind than that I 
should go, cr dream of going, to New York that night. There 
was no conceivable reason for such a journey, and an array of 
reasons against it. 

In eager ardor for my work, with insufficient time before me, 
I sat down to my desk. I found myself writing with unusual 
ease and swiftness. After some two hours a noise by the door 
caused me to look up. My parasol and a long stick used for 
raising the window stood in a corner, and the noise was as if 
some one had grasped and rattled them against the wall. The 
outer door of the corridor was closed, and the portidre between 
my study and the little entrance hall was unmoved. Yet there 
was a sense of presence there that I could not define or evade. 
I turned again to my writing, but almost immediately I was 
impelled to go to the speaking-tube and ask at the hotel office 
below if they would not telephone to inquire if I could get an 
outside stateroom on the steamer to New York that night. 
This, in a curious double consciousness of which one half asserted 
itself against the other and said, " Of course I am not going to 
New York to-night." The reply to the message came, that I could 
have a stateroom ; when would I call for it ? Still, with the insist- 
ence that I was not going, I replied I would take it on the steamer, 
with the idea that if I were not on it (as, of course, common sense 
assured me I should not be), there would be plenty of passengers 
glad to secure it, and the boat would not lose its room nor I the 
price of it. I finished and mailed my writing, packed my bag 
(still with that double consciousness that although I was not 
going away, yet it did no harm to put my travelling articles in 
the bag), and, to condense the matter, this unknown and appar- 
ently irresistible impulse carried me on to complete every detail 
— to take the steamboat train, the boat when reached, and to find 
myself arriving the next morning at the Victoria Hotel, in New 
York, where my friend, Miss F., had gone the day previous. 

" What in all the world are you here for?" was her amazed 
greeting, in which surprise got the better of her usually faultless 
English. 

" I have absolutely no idea," I replied ; " I came in obedience 
to an overwhelming impulse. The only rational thing I can say 
for it is that there was of course no special reason why I should 
not come to New York, though I certainly know of none why I 
should come." 



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268 THE ARENA. 

We breakfasted, and then I remarked to Miss F. that if she 
did not object I would go up to the apartment where her aunt 
had lived — and in which she had died the week before — it 
being still open, in charge of Mrs. S.'s attendant and the servants. 
Miss F. assented, and I took my way up Madison Avenue. On 
arriving there Mrs. S.'s attendant voluntarily poured out to me 
a narration regarding Mrs. S.'s affairs which impressed me as 
being of importance to her niece, Miss F. (From circumstances 
the story would not have been told to Miss F. herself.) At all 
events, I listened, and on returning to the hotel and finding that 
my friend Miss F. was out, I wrote down the tale for her; and 
then the impulse to return at once to Boston was as strong as, 
on the previous day, it bad been to go to New York, and I 
returned to my home without seeing Miss F. again. The next 
morning brought me a letter from her of which the first line 
ran : " You have done me a very great service, and I want your 
permission to read your letter to my lawyer." I telegraphed 
my consent. 

On returning I again sought the psychic, Mrs. R., for another 
sitting. She knew absolutely nothing of my journey to New 
York. In the trance condition she at once said: 

44 Oh, that is funny you go off so ! I see you start off somewhere so 
sudden. You jump right up. Tou put things in a bag, you go off so 
quick. You go on a journey." 

This sitting was on Aug. 10, ('94) and I copy a condensed 
account of it from my journal of that date. 

44 Was it best?" I asked the psychic. 44 You had to do it," she 
replied. 44 The spirit made you look up when you were writing. Then 
she came and stood right by your chair and influenced your mind. She 
made you go to see the light-haired woman." 

By which was designated Mrs. S.'s attendant. In this sitting 
the psychic asserted that Mrs. S., who thought she had left all 
her affairs in perfect order, was greatly troubled when, on look- 
ing back from spirit life, she realized that great injustice had 
been done to her niece, and that she had to stay in earth condi- 
tions until the wrong had been righted. 

During this month of August the forces gathered and ar- 
ranged themselves to the beginning of a very curious drama — 
in part a spiritual drama of life — which is now very much in 
evidence on the material side, as it culminated in a will contest in 
the public courts : and as, on its ending on May 4 of the present 
year, the jury disagreed so that no verdict could be reached, the 
case will be tried again at a date already fixed for this summer. 

This faint outline of the psychical side of a mingled experi- 
ence in which the spiritual life on the one side and its influence 



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A STORY OP PSYCHICAL COMMUNICATION. 269 

and intercourse with the natural life on the other seems curiously 
interwoven, is still only one chapter out of a singularly dramatic 
history. All the circumstances that have followed the death of 
my friend Mrs. S. have been a very plain illustration of the 
working out of karma. Many of the results can easily be traced 
directly to causes created by acts and decisions a quarter of a 
century ago. But these are involved in family affairs which it is 
impossible to translate for the public. 

Another element, however, enters into the case — that of 
undue influence, hypnotism, and other mental phenomena. From 
the effects of illness and accident the mind of Mrs. S. became 
affected in 1878, and for the three years previous to 1881 she 
was placed in the asylum known as Butler Hospital, at Provi- 
dence, R. I. During that period she kept up a constant corres- 
pondence with her husband, her near relatives, with a very inti- 
mate friend, Miss Genevieve Ward, the well-known London 
actress, and with other well-known people ; and her letters 
written during all this period were beautiful and interesting, 
showing little trace of mental malady. This fact is one involv- 
ing the curious phenomena of mental persistence. Mrs. S. was 
a born letter- writer; for private correspondence is a field of its 
own, and often exists entirely apart from the literary gilt per se 9 
as the latter not unfrequently exists without the gift for letter- 
writing. All her life she had been a singularly swift and respon- 
sive letter- writer, and the law of persistence in brain action pre- 
vailed in her case so that while irrational in conversation, she 
would write letters which, in general reading, would hardly sug- 
gest anything abnormal in her mental condition. 

In July of '81, Dr. Sawyer, then superintendent of Butler 
Hospital, (Dr Gorton now filling that office) consented that 
Mrs. S. might return to her home under the condition of being 
accompanied by the regular nurse, who for the preceding three 
years .had been her attendant in Butler Hospital. This 
arrangement was carried out, and for the remaining thirteen 
years of her life this woman had charge of her and continued 
to hold the dominant power over her established in the three 
years of hospital life. The contest of Mrs. S.'s will, which has 
succeeded her death, and which, at this writing, is pending in the 
courts, is incited by the claim of her heirs-at-law that Mrs. S. was 
under the " undue influence" of this attendant, who was a woman 
of shrewd judgment and strong will. 

The psychical experience which came to me, and which is 
abundantly attested in journal records and by a series of out- 
ward events, indicates that as soon as Mrs. S. had escaped from 
her suffering body, she instantly recognized that her affairs were 
left in a way abhorrent to her, and that they must be adjusted 



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270 THE ARENA. 

by force of law. In the first trial of the case it was proved from 
the witness stand that she had made five different wills within 
ten years, each of which was first drawn up by her attendant, 
and in which the property devised to this attendant increased 
constantly until the last one of all left the bulk of her property 
to the attendant instead of her nearest relatives and legitimate 
heirs. The problem became, then, this:* Did the close and 
constant companionship of the attendant result in her mental 
domination over a mind weakened by an attack of insanity, so 
that practioally the will was not Mrs. S.'s at all, but, instead, her 
attendant's? If the latter, it cannot stand. This is the question 
for the next jury to decide. Expert testimony from the witness 
stand proved that Mrs. S. had what specialists in mental disease 
term " the insane diathesis," — the temperament, the conditions, 
liable to insanity. Many persons have this without its ever devel- 
oping into abnormal states, but the tendency, the liability, is 
there. Now a person of that temperament has a susceptibility 
to suggestion, to influence, which offers great possibilities to the 
gaining of what is legally recognized as " undue influence." This 
phase of the case brings it into the range of speculative psychol- 
ogy and establishes its claim to the interest of all students of 
phenomena. 

So far as my own observation goes, I have never known of an 
experience which so singularly comprehends the twofold activi- 
ties of persons here and of those who have passed through that 
event we call death. No relative of Mrs. S. on this side of life 
has been, apparently, more actively engaged in efforts to break 
and reconstruct her will than she, herself, has been to insure its 
being done. Recognizing that my experiences with the psychic, 
and with the impressions that I received directly, were of a 
curious nature, I recorded them at the time; and now, to read 
them backward in the light of subsequent fulfilments is to dis- 
cern an absolutely demonstrated series of proofs which, might 
not illogically be presented as evidence before a court of law. 
For a diary is admissible as evidence, and the outward attendant 
events have been such as are capable of abundance of proof 
from persons knowing, inevitably, the facts because of their 
proximity at the time. To me the story has seemed a spiritual 
drama. 



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NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 



A Sketch Written fob a Purpose. 



BY JOHN DAVIS. 



Introductory Note. 

Near the close of the eighteenth century, in the midst of 
the bloodiest revolution on record, there suddenly appeared 
on the stage of the world's drama the most famous man in 
history. He came as a meteor from the ages of darkness and 
barbarism. The sudden effulgence of the apparition daz- 
zled, entranced, blinded, and deceived mankind. He had a 
^fceart of savagery and a head equipped with all the science, 
resources, and poster of the most advanced nations at the 
time of Ills appearing. He possessed the ambition of Luci- 
fer, the conscience of Beelzebub, and the wisdom of Satan. 
His rapacity was unappeasable by the spoliations of a 
world; his lust of empire surpassed the wildest dreams of 
Alexander or Tamerlane. 

The first appearance of this new "star" was at the siege 
of Toulon in December, 1793. The genius of Bonaparte 
crowned the flag of the Revolution with victory, and he was 
then first known in military circles as "the Little Corsican." 
Two years later this new dramatic star conquered the revo- 
lutionary "sections" by sweeping the streets of Paris with 
grapeshot. That was the last insurrection of the revolution. 
Then the curtain of the past went down. A new scene in 
the tragedy of the world appeared in view, and France fell 
submissively into the arms of "the Man of Destiny." 

A thousand parks of artillery, clouds of cavalry, and mil- 
lions of infantry took the place of the plodding and obsolete 
guillotine. Europe trembled with the tread of armies; the 
human race went down like the fall of ripe corn in harvest 
time, and blood flowed as red wine from the press of the 
wrath of God. 

Again the scene changed. The Emperor Napoleon arms 
half the nations of Europe, add marches against Russia 

271 



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272 THE ARENA. 

at the head of six hundred thousand veteran troops. 
Kings and princes are his servile worshippers, marching 
submissively In his train. 

But, later on, having failed in Russia and at Leipsic, this 
mighty Emperor Napoleon is a prisoner in the island of 
Elba. A prisoner? As well chain an eagle with gossamer 
or cage a lion with packthread! The discrowned emperor 
broke through all treaties and restrictions, and returned to 
France. Then came Waterloo and St Helena; and we find 
the late master of Europe quarreling like a fish-wife with his 
keepers and cooks about petty matters of etiquette and the 
arrangements of the kitchen. 

Who, whence, and what was this famous Napoleon Bona- 
parte — this "Man of Destiny" — whose name fills and frets 
the universe? Was he man, god, or demon? It is my pres- 
ent purpose briefly to discuss these questions. l£ will be 
my business to describe, somewhat in detail, the hereditary, 
prenatal, and educational influences that moulded his char- 
acter; the conditions in Europe that made his unrivalled 
military success possible; and the mistaken military, finan- 
cial, and political policies and crimes which rendered his 
ultimate downfall inevitable. 



CHAPTER L 

Ancestry, Birth, Education, and Character of Napoleon 

Bonaparte. 

To properly understand a subject we should begin at the 
beginning. If one would unravel a tangle he must get hold 
of "the right end." To comprehend the enigmatical, con- 
tradictory, and much-tangled character of Napoleon Bona- 
parte, one must study the conditions and nature of his 
origin; we must study the seed and the soil from which he 
sprang, and the climate and culture to which the youthful 
plant was subjected. Having started right, later parts of 
the problem will be less difficult. 

The island of Corsica is situated in the northwestern part 
of the Mediterranean Sea, not far from the coasts of France 
and Italy. For more than a thousand years the islands and 
coasts of the Mediterranean and connected waters were the 
seat and centre of the brigandage and piracy of the world. 
The refugees from the invading Huns who trampled to frag- 
ments the old Roman empire found lodgment there among 
the lagoons and morasses which protected them from the 
marauding enemy. Being cut off from the land, they betook 
themselves to the sea. They built ships and carried on corn- 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 27? 

meree, or lived by preying on the commerce of others. This 
was the origin of the historic races of the islands of the 
Mediterranean and of the adjacent coasts some dozen or 
fifteen centuries ago. These races, carrying in their veins 
the blood of the ancient Romans, mingled freely with the 
prehistoric men of the coasts and islands, all bred to war, 
rapine, and piracy as a regular business. 

So legitimate was the spoliation of commerce considered, 
that down to recent times the greatest nations of the earth 
paid tribute to the pirates of the Mediterranean in order to 
escape a worse fate at their hands. Even Great Britain, as 
Jate as 1816, paid tribute, or blackmail, to the piratical gov- 
ernments of Marocco, Algiers, and Tripoli, in order to 
escape the robber}' and confiscations of her commerce by the 
corsairs of northern Africa. And it was not until the vic- 
torious American squadron, in 1816, under Commodore Ste- 
phen Decatur, taught those bandits of the sea better man- 
ners, that they ceased to levy tribute on every vessel passing 
through the Straits of Gibraltar. 

The emperor of Marocco pleaded lustily with Decatur 
against yielding up the "right" inherited through his ances- 
tors from time immemorial. He was, however, compelled 
to yield the alleged right. He then begged piteously for the 
mere form, lest the example of exemption in one case should 
lead to others, and his regular governmental revenues 
should be lost. He begged Decatur to pay him any mere 
trille so as to preserve the form of payment. If he could do 
no better, "it would be sufficient," said he, "to give him only 
a little powder." Decatur replied that, in all cases where 
he gave powder, it was hjs custom to "send balls with it." 
The piratical emperor took the hint and ceased to collect 
tribute from American commerce. After that, Great Bri- 
tain and other commercial nations ceased to suffer spolia- 
tion at the hands of the pirates who for many centuries had 
dominated and preyed upon the commerce of the Mediterra- 
nean, from the Straits of Gibraltar to Constantinople. 

The people of the island of Corsica, for a dozen centuries 
and more, were quite as enterprising, warlike, and piratical 
as any others in all that empire of bandits and brigands. 
Commencing with the invading Romans and the refugee 
remnants of Carthage, intermingled with the aboriginal 
prehistoric races of the island, Corsica has been overrun, 
conquered and reconquered, occupied and reoccupied, more 
times perhaps than has been recorded in history. And each 
time there has been an infusion of new and bolder blood 
added to the former compound. 



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274 THE ARENA. 

An old geographer, Malte-Brun, writing soon after the 

days of Napoleon, says: "The history of the island, from 

the remotest ages to the period when it was united to 

France, forms a distressing picture of war, bloodshed, and 

, revolt" 

Herodotus says the first inhabitants were Phoenicians. 
Then came the Spartans, the bravest men of ancient times, 
and after them the Carthaginians and the Romans, each 
conquering the former rulers and mixing their blood with 
the natives. Strabo describes the inhabitants of Corsica in 
his day as living by plunder, and "more savage than wild 
beasts." When captured as slaves, "they think it not worth 
while to live"; and however small the price they were sold 
for, their new masters "soon discover that they havfc paid too 
much for them." Yet it appears that the Corsicans were 
not all alike; some of them made good slaves when kindly 
treated. 

We find that in early times Corsica also received inhabi- 
tants from the Goths and the Saracens, and, during the cru- 
sades, from several of the more enterprising and warlike 
nations of Europe. They came from Spain, France, Italy, 
Germany, and England. In all their struggles, when passing 
from one sovereignty to another, able men were found who 
could organize and direct their forces, but the island was too 
small and too weak to maintain itself against the larger na- 
tions of the continent. The last change of jurisdiction prior 
to the days of Napoleon transferred Corsica to France. 
This transfer brought on the islanders a desolating war with 
the French. It occurred prior to the days of Napoleon, clos- 
ing about the time of his birth. 

Charles Bonaparte, father of Napoleon, was of Italian 
descent, and his family name is recorded in the archives of 
the ancient dukes of Treviso. This would indicate that he 
was of noble lineage and, possibly, descended from some 
patrician family of ancient Rome. More probably, however, 
he may have come from a family of Italian brigands, whose 
successful piracies had elevated them to the emoluments 
and dignities of some petty Italian dukedom. 
, Letitia Ramolino, the mother of Napoleon, was a native 
Corsican of a family of so long standing that "the memory of 
man runneth not to the contrary." In other words, her fam- 
ily origin could not be traced beyond the confines of the 
island. She was a woman of strong constitution, energetic 
habits, and masterly mind and character. She took an 
active part in the long and bloody war which, about the time 
of her early married life, transferred the island to the juris- 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ^75 

Miction of Prance. She joined her husband in his military 
-arrangements, and habitually visited the troops with him in 
camp and field. 
^Pai Hg, in his ''Modern Regime" (vol. 1, pp. 6-13), describes 
the situation, UBd the motner or Napoleon, very fully: 

Just at the time when the energy and the ambition, the vigorous 
and free sap, of the Middle Ages begins to ran down and then to d»y 
up In an island not less Italian but almost barbarous, amidst institu- 
tions, customs, and passions belonging to the primitive mediaeval 
epoch, aud in a social atmosphere sufficiently rude for the mainte- 
nance of all its vigor and harshness; grafted, moreover, by frequent 
marriages, on the wUd stock of the island, Napoleon, on the maternal 
*ide, through his grandmother and mother, is wholly indigenous. 
His grandmother . . . was a Gorsican par excellence, where, in 1800, 
hereditary vendettas still maintained the regime of the eleventh 
•century; where the permanent strife of inimical families was 
suspended only by truces; where, in many villages, nobody stirred 
outdoors except in armed bodies; and where the houses were crene- 
lated like fortresses. His mother, Letitia Ramollno, from whom in 
-character and in will he derived much more than from his father, is a 
primitive soul on which civilization has taken no hold; simple, all of 
4i piece, unsuited to the refinements, charms, and graces of worldly 
life; indifferent to comforts, without literary culture; as parsimon- 
ious as any peasant woman, but as energetic as the leader of a band; 
powerful physically and spiritually, accustomed to danger, ready In 
desperate resolutions; in short, a "rustic Cornelia," who conceived 
and gave birth to her son amidst the risks of battle and defeat, in the 
thickest of the French invasion, amidst mountain rides on horseback, 
nocturnal surprises, and volleys of musketry. 

Speaking of his mother, Napoleon himself said: "Losses, 
privations, and fatigue — she endured all and braved all. 
Hers was a man's head on a woman's shoulders." 

"Thus fashioned and brought into the world," says Taine, 
"he felt that, from first to the last, he was of his own race 
tind country." 

I quote further from Taine the language of Napoleon as 
lollows: 

I was born when our country perished. Thirty thousand French- 
men were vomited on our shores, drowning the throne of liberty in 
floods of blood; such was the spectacle on which my eyes first 
opened! The groans of the dying, the shrieks of the oppressed, and 
tears of despair surrounded my cradle from my birth. I will 
blacken those who betrayed the common cause with the brush of 
infamy." 

In the same strain, while still a youth, he said: "I will do 
yon Frenchmen all the harm I can." 

Sir Archibald Alison, in his "History of Europe" (vol. iv., 
pp. 2, 3), speaks of the mother" of Napoleon as follows: 

His mother, as in the case of other eminent men of whom history 
lias preserved a record, was distinguished for great beauty and no 
common firmness and Intrepidity of mind. She shared in the 



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276 THE ABENA. 

fatigues and dangers of her husband during the civil dissensions 
which distracted the island at the time of Napoleon's birth, and had 
recently before been engaged in some expeditions on horseback with 
hi in. His father died at the age of thirty-eight of cancer in the 
stomach, a complaint hereditary in his family, which also proved 
fatal to Napoleon himself; but the want of paternal care was more 
than supplied by his mother, to whose early education and solicitude 
he In after-life mainly ascribed his elevation. Though left a widow 
in the prime of life, she had already borne thirteen children, of 
whom five sons and three daughters survived their father. She 
lived to see one of them wearing the crown of Charlemagne, and 
another seated on the throne of Charles V. On the day of his birth 
she had been at church, and was seized with her pains during high 
mass. She was brought home hastily, and, as there was not time to 
prepare a bed, was laid upon a couch covered with tapestry repre- 
senting the heroes of the Iliad, and there the future conqueror was 
brought Into the world. 

In the years of his infancy he exhibited nothing remarkable 
excepting irritability and turbulence of temper. But these qualities, 
as well as the decision with which they were accompanied, were so 
powerfully developed that they gave him the entire command of his 
eldest brother, Joseph, a boy of mild and unassuming character, who 
was constantly beaten, pinched, and tormented by the future 
emperor. 

Alison also states that at Ajaccio, the place of his early 
childhood, "there is still preserved a cannon, weighing about 
thirty pounds, the early plaything of Napoleon/ ' 

In the American Cyclopedia (vol. iii., p. 36) I find the fol- 
low ing: 

As a boy he manifested a violent and passionate temper, and in 
the little disputes with his elder brother Joseph he always came on* 
master. The traditions report also that he delighted in running after 
the soldiers, who taught him military maneuvres; that his favorite 
plaything was a smaU brass cannon; and that he regularly drilled 
the children of Ajaccio in battles with stones and wooden sabres. 
Ills first teacher was his mother, who exerted a powerful influence 
upon his mind. 

Napoleon received no moral impressions or training in his 
early childhood. He was not taught to keep his word, to 
respect the truth, to contend for the right or for fixed and 
eternal moral principles; but, on the other hand, to sacrifice 
family, friends, truth, principles, and the cause of liberty 
itself for success in any matter which his uncurbed ambition 
induced him to undertake. The duplicity of the family has 
caused "the word of a Bonaparte" to become a matter of 
amusement or misfortune to those who trusted it Even 
the date and place of the hero's birth have been subjects of 
dispute for more than a hundred years, and are not yet posi- 
tively and definitively settled. That he was born at some 
time and place, the world, and especially France, has good 
reason to know and to regret. That he was born in the 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 277 

island of Corsica nobody disputes. But as to the date and 
place of his birth, and whether he or his brother Joseph was 
the older of the two, writers are not all agreed. Was he 
born in Ajaccio or Corte? That question is not beyond dis- 
pute. 

In his "History of Europe" (vol. iv., pp. 1, 2, London ed. 
1860), Alison says: 

Napoleon Buonaparte was born at Ajaccio, In Corsica, on the 5th 
February, 1768; the Duke of Wellington In the year after, which 
Napoleon subsequently assumed as that of his nativity, In order to 
constitute himself a French citizen. 

Besides this statement, Alison notes at the bottom of the 
pages mentioned, as follows: 

He [Napoleon] entered the world on 5th February, 1768, and 
subsequently gave out that he was born In August, 1769, as, In the 
Interim, Corsica had been Incorporated In the French monarchy. . . . 
The record of his marriage with Josephine, which still exists In 
Paris, gives his birth on 5th February, 1768. 

After quoting the record, which is in the French language, 
the note at bottom of page 2 continues: 

The register bears the signatures: TaUien, M. J. R. Tascher, P. 
Barras, Le Manois, Le Jeune, Napoleone Bonaparte, and Charles 
Leclerq, ofllcier public. 

An additional note at the bottom of that note says: 

This official act signed by Napoleon himself on an occasion when 
no one but a very young man represents himself as older than he Is, 
and when his interest lay the other way, as Corsica was not Incor- 
porated with France till June, 1769, decides the matter. 

Notwithstanding Alison's positive statement and the 
recorded testimony quoted, the "matter" was not then 
decided. But in the American edition of his history the 
text is changed to August 15, 1769, and the testimony which 
he here quotes is omitted. In the American edition of 
Bourienne's "Memoirs of Napoleon" the date is August 15, 
1709. Bourienne's "Notes," however, throw much doubt 
on the date given. I quote from these "Notes" (vol. i., pp. 
1, 2) as follows: 

The first two children of Charles Bonaparte- a son born In 1765, 
and a daughter born In 1767— both died young. The third child, a 
son, was born 7th January, 1768, at Corte; and a fourth child, also a 
son, was born on 15th August, 1760, at Ajaccio. There is no doubt as 
to these dates, or as to Joseph and Napoleon being the two sons so 
born; the question Is, was Napoleon the second or first of these two? 
By the copy of an l Acte de Naissance,' preserved in the French war 
office, the child born 7th January, 1768, was baptized Nabullone. 
In the archives of Ajaccio, a copy of a non-existing original record of 
baptism gives the name of the child then born as Joseph Nabullone. 
Colonel lung Inclines to the belief that Napoleon was born on 7th 



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278 THE ABENA. 

January, 17C8, at Corte, and Joseph on 13th August, 1769. He sug- 
gests that when, in 1779, Charles Bonaparte obtained permission for 
one son to enter Brienne at the cost of the state, finding that the age 
of the child must be under ten years, and Napoleon, the son chosen to 
enter, being really over the age, he used the baptismal record of the 
second son for the first, Napoleon. To support this theory he throws 
doubt on the copy preserved in AJaccio, saying that the name Joseph 
is given in the French form at the time the French language was not 
used in Corsica. 

In 1794, when Joseph was married, the witness brought to prove 
his age and place of birth, because the records could not then be got 
at, testified that Joseph, aged about twenty-five, was born at Ajacciov 
that is, where the son was born on 15th August, 1769. But nothing 
seems really proved except that, whether by error or fraud, the 
Bonapartes were unfortunate in their dates and were fond of giving 
the same name to child after child. Thus, there were several Mary 
Annes. In the marriage contract of Napoleon with Josephine, his 
date of birth is given as 5th of February, 1768; while she, really bora 
on the 23d July, 1763, is stated to have been born 23d June, 1767, the 
ages of the pair thus being made to approximate, instead of a real 
difference of at least five years. 

I now call attention to a short discussion of the matter in 
the Encyclopaedia Britannica, under the heading "Napoleoa 
I." The writer says : 

The accepted opinion is that Napoleon was born at Ajaccio on 
August 15, 1769. This opinion rests, indeed, on the positive state- 
ment of Joseph Bonaparte, but it is certain from documents, that on 
January 7, 1768, Madame Letitia bore a 6on at Corte, who was 
baptized by the name of Nabulione. And even in legal documents 
we find contradictory statements about the time and place of birth, 
not only of Napoleon, but also of Joseph. All difficulties disappear at 
once if we suppose that Napoleon and Nabulione were one and the 
same, and that Joseph was really the second son, whom the parents 
found it convenient to pass off as the first born. This they may have 
found convenient when, in 1779, they gained admission for a son to 
the military school of Brienne. A son born in 1768 would at that 
date be inadmissible, as being above ten years of age. Thus it is- 
conceivable that Napoleon was introduced by a fraud to that military 
career which changed the face of the world. Nevertheless it is 
certain from Luclen's memoir, that of such a fraud nothing waa- 
known to the younger members of the family, who regarded Joseph 
as, without doubt, the eldest 

I have indulged in this rather long but interesting discus- 
sion for two reasons: (1) to show the atmosphere of dupli- 
city, deception, and falsehood in which Napoleon was born 
and brought up. When it was to the interest of the family 
that he should have been born at Ajaccio in 1769, then lie- 
was thus born. That view of the case made him a citizen of 
Prance instead of a conquered rebel from Corsica; it let hiinr 
into the military school of Brienne and opened up to him a 
military career as a Frenchman. But, on the other hand, 
when he desired to pretend to the world that the ages of 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 279 

himself and wife were nearly the same, then he was more 
than eighteen months older than formerly, and Josephine 
was three or four years younger than the facts would indi- 
cate. Everything must bend to the desires or interests of 
Napoleon ; if the facts were otherwise, they must be changed 
to conform. (2) There is one important point not mentioned 
in the entire discussion. It is agreed by all that in earliest • 
childhood Napoleon was the tyrannical master of Joseph. 
This being true, there must have been a date for the begin- 
ning of that mastery. Suppose that date was when the 
younger was two years old, or about that time. Then the 
older, being eighteen months ahead, would not be easily 
mastered by the younger. Or let *he ages run on until near 
the time of "separation in 1779, and the older would probably 
even then be perceptibly larger and stronger than the 
younger; and both coming from the same savage military 
stock, the older would very probably be the master. The 
younger would hardly be able to "beat, pinch, and torment'' 
the older without provoking serious resistance. This view 
of the case would make Napoleon the older boy, and if his 
aggressions began in earliest childhood, as would naturally 
be the case, he would be educated to aggressive, masterful 
habits, while the younger brother, Joseph, would be tamed 
into submissive ones. On this theory alone can the charac- 
teristics of the two men in after-life be explained. 

This view of the case also shows the power of education 
in modifying, increasing or decreasing, the force of heredi- 
tary and prenatal influences under which children may have 
been born; and if properly managed it becomes a hopeful 
means for the improvement of the human race. Had Napo- 
leon been submitted to the same subduing discipline which 
he inflicted upon Joseph during infancy and early childhood, 
the world would probably never have heard of the family. 
Or if the father and friends had stated the true dates of 
their births, and the submissive Joseph had attended the 
military school at Jirienne instead of his brother, writers 
would not now be wearying the world with the history of 
Napoleon. It is but the waving of a hand or the whisper 
of a word that may sometimes reconstruct the map of a 
continent or "change the front of the universe." 

Ethnologists tell us that races of men have their peculiari- 
ties, and that their respective characteristics are trans- 
mitted from generation to generation. Jews are borr of 
Jews, Celts of Celts, Africans of Africans, and so on with all 
the races. And this law holds good in a greater or less degree 
even in the smaller differences and particulars of families 



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280 THE ABENA. 

and individuals. Like begets like with variations caused by 
unseen or less obvious hereditary and prenatal influences. 

Under this general law it would seem that Napoleon's 
ancestry, warlike, piratical, and mediaeval, should transmit 
to him similar qualities. And under a well known law of 
heredity it is observed that the mother exerts a far greater 
influence over her offspring than does the father; also, that 
transmitted characteristics are modified, lessened, or 
increased by the condition, health, and passions of the 
mother prior to the birth of her child. Taking the descrip- 
tions given by Taine and Alison and by Napoleon himself of 
the condition of the mother's health and mental excitement 
and vigor about the time of the nativity of the young Napo- 
leon, followed by his early education and training in the 
same line, and his character could scarcely have been differ- 
ent from its subsequent record in history. 

Until the age of ten years Napoleon remained among the 
scenes of his birth and under the teachings of the half-sav- 
age military mother who bore him, or he attended the mili- 
tary school at Angers. His playthings were of a military 
character, including a "brass cannon weighing thirty 
pounds." At the age of ten years he entered the military 
school at Brienne, and from that moment his entire educa- 
tion was in the line of military studies and practices. From 
Urienne he entered the Military School of Paris. His entire 
education was in the line of his strongest passions and 
inherited characteristics. 

It was his disposition to be at peace with nobody, always 
aggressive, overbearing, and unconquerable. As child, 
boy, and man, always the same, always at war with 
those about him. A child, boy, and man so born, so cul- 
tured and so taught might well become, as Napoleon after- 
wards styled himself, "an architect of battles," brave and 
unconquerable. In after-life he might become an able gen- 
oral with a transcendent genius for war, with its complica- 
tions of marches, battles, victories, defeats, retreats, feints, 
and ambushes to deceive, outwit, and defeat the enemy; or 
he might become an accomplished diplomat, using words to 
deceive rather than to instruct, never hesitating at anything 
necessary for the accomplishment of his purposes. And, 
without moral training and having no fixed principles of 
right and wrong, such a man would become the advocate or 
the betrayer of liberty, as best suited his personal designs. 
Such a man, in proportion to his abilities, might become 
, with equal facility a successful brigand or pirate or the con- 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 281 

queror of nations and the wearer of a crown, if circum- 
stances made snch attainments possible. 

His entire history proves that Napoleon was true to his 
origin, birth, and education. He was the legitimate product 
of the hereditary, prenatal, and educational influences 
which moulded his mind and character. The absence or 
weakening of any one of those influences in a single line 
would have changed the ultimate result. All seem to have 
l/een acting with their utmost tension, and we have Napo- 
leon, "the architect of battles," the resistless conqueror, the 
robber of nations, the betrayer of liberty, the traitor to 
friends, the unequalled diplomat, and the merciless and 
despotic emperor. We might expect to find in a man so 
born and so reared a heart that is heartless, the ambition of 
Lucifer, the conscience of Beelzebub, the wisdom of Satan, 
the treason of Judas, and all that is savage, dangerous, 
•deceptive, and devilish. Does the record of Napoleon's 
career prove him to have been a true child of his origin and 
culture? I cannot discuss his full history in this sketch, 
but will present some pictures drawn by abler pens than 
mine. 

M. Ouizot, in his "History of France" (vol. viii., p. 207), 
•says: 

The genius and renown of Napoleon have nothing to fear from the 
light of history. Justice is being done hi in and wiU continue to be 
-done every new generation. Illustrious in the foremost rank 
amongst the greatest conquerors of enslaved humanity, whether 
subduing, ruling, or organizing; equally great by military genius and 
by the supreme instinct of national government, he was constantly 
carried away by selfish passions and desires, whatever their 
importance or unimportance might be, and took no cognizance of the 
-eternal laws of duty and Justice. Corrupt, he corrupted others; 
despotic, he subdued minds and debased consciences; all-powerful, 
he constantly made a bad use of his power. His religious and blood- 
stained traces remained soiled not only by faults, but by crimes. 
The startling dream with which he dazzled France has disappeared ; 
the memory stiU remains, weakened, but always fatal to our 
unhappy country in her days of weariness and dejection. It is 
necessary that she should know what the glory and triumph of the 
first Napoleon cost her; nor must she forget the degradation and 
tears which were in a recent time to be brought upon her by the 
same name. 

Another writer (Phillips) says of Napoleon: 

He knew no motive but Interest, acknowledged no criterion but 
success; he worshipped no God but ambition, and with an Eastern 
devotion he knelt at the shrine of his idolatry! Subsidiary to this 
there was no creed that he did not profess, there was no opinion 
which he did not promulgate; in the hope of a dynasty he upheld the 
-crescent; for the sake of a divorce he bowed before the cross; the 
orphan of St. Louis, he became the adopted chUd of the republic; and 



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282 THE ARENA. 

with a parricidal ingratitude, on the ruins both of the throne and the* 
tribune he reared the throne of his despotism. A professed Catholic*, 
he imprisoned the pope; a pretended patriot, he impoverished the- 
country; and in the name of Brutus he grasped without remorse,, 
and wore without shame, the diadem of the Csesars. . . . 

Such a medley of contradictions and, at the same time, such an 
individual consistency were never united in the same character. A 
royalist, a republican, and an emperor; a Mohammedan, a Catholic, 
and a patron of the synagogue; a subaltern and a sovereign; a 
traitor and a tyrant; a Christian and an infidel; he was, through all 
his vicissitudes, the same stern, impatient, inflexible original; the 
same mysterious, incomprehensible self, the man without a model 
and without a shadow. 

I have now shown ray readers a picture of the man. But 
a man must have a field of work appropriate to his powers, 
passions, and aptitudes. Had the young Napoleon 
remained in Corsica he might have taken *to the mountains 
and led a score of bandits, preying on the inhabitants that 
were inimical to his own family and friends. Had he chosen 
the sea, he might have become head pirate and led to the 
front a flotilla of armed corsairs which would have caused 
Commodore Decatur more trouble than did the fleets of 
Tripoli and Marocco. Had he gone to Italy, there might 
have been recorded in Italian history the deeds and forays- 
of an unusually bold and dangerous band of brigands of the 
Apennines. Had he been in England, there would have been 
found for him a congenial field in India — not quite up to 
the dreams of his Asiatic ambition, of course, yet a con- 
genial field where he might have conquered the native- 
princes, and perhaps have surpassed even Clive and Hast- 
ings in robbing, murdering, and worrying the helpless peo- 
ple. Had hemigrated to America,he might haveturned land 
pirate in the sparsely settled Mississippi valley and among 
the mountains and canebrakes of the south and west, where- 
he could have made a famous record running off negroes and 
stealing horse*, and cattle. If he had gone to South Amer- 
ica he might have surpassed even Bolivar, for, after secur- 
ing the independence of those colonies from foreign domina- 
tion, he could have united them into an empire outstripping 
in grandeur the ancient empires of Peru and Mexico. These 
are "the might have beens." 

But Napoleon went to France. In Paris he hesitated 
between two purposes; to commit suicide, or to become the 
emperor of Asia! The present of a few guineas from a 
friend diverted him from suicide. The other purpose he 
never abandoned until after Waterloo. 

Meanwhile a field was preparing for him in France. The- 
Bourbons by their despotisms during two generations had 



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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 283 

been arranging for him a theatre of action. The stage, with 
its curtains, scenery, decorations, and numerous details of 
dramatic appliances, was perfect; the architects, through 
decapitation and emigration, had retired; the people of 
Prance and adjacent countries were ready for their parts; 
a non-expectant but gradually awakening world was to be 
the audience; the play was not a comedy, but a tragedy, and 
had already commenced. Then appeared the star actor in 
the auto de fe of a world. He held his life in his hand. 
There was before him an alternative; a scaffold or a throne t 
He risked the one to gain the other. 

(To be continued. ) 



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REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN ON VITAL SOCIAL 
PROBLEMS. 



i. 

Is the Single Tax Enough? 



BY SARAH MIFFLIN GAY AND FRANCES E. RUSSELL. 



The symposium on " The Land Question " which appeared in the 
ARENA for October, 1894, grew out of a circular letter among some of 
the women who had come to know each other through their common 
interest in the writings of Henry George. That letter, which had for 
years been going around from one to another, each member of the circle 
taking out an old letter and putting in a fresh one as it passed through 
her hands, came to a temporary standstill with the published sympo- 
sium. It starts again (some members having dropped out and others 
come in) with a letter written directly to me, in answer to my questions, 
by Miss Gay — a letter written in pencil for me alone, but so good that 
it deserves a wider circulation, to which Miss Gay has consented. It 
expresses clearly the views of most single taxers, and defends the last 
half of the last paragraph of the single-tax platform, before the addenda 
about railroads, etc. : 

It would thus solve the labor problem, do away with involuntary poverty, raise 
wages in all occupations to the full earnings of labor, make over-production impossi- 
ble until all human wants are satisfied, render labor-saving inventions a blessing to 
all, and cause such an enormous production and such an equitable distribution of 
wealth as would give to all comfort, leisure, and participation in the advantages of an 
advancing civilization. 

This quotation is, I think, quite too strong a claim for even the far- 
reaching single tax. I believe that this sweeping claim prevents the 
acceptance or even the careful study of the single tax by many thought- 
ful persons. This is a great pity, when the single tax can do so much 
to relieve the situation, though it cannot do all. A fair discussion and 
a willingness to be convinced will help us all. If I find that I am wrong 
I shall be glad to say so. 

F. E. RUSSELL. 



SARAH MIFFLIN GAY, WEST NEW BRIGHTON, N. Y. 

. . . You admit, I suppose : 

1. That all wealth is created by the application of labor to 
land. 

2. That wages depend upon the produce which labor can 
obtain at the highest point of productiveness open to it without 
the payment of rent. 

"284 



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WOMEN ON THE SINGLE TAX. 285 

3. And that these wages are what are known as the general rate 
of wages, and that all wages up to the highest depend upon this 
general rate of wages, rising and falling, broadly speaking, as 
they rise and fall. 

Right here must be our difference. You believe we cannot 
abolish poverty without sharing equally the results of individual 
effort, while single-taxers believe that we can abolish it by 
sharing equally economic rent. We believe that economic rent 
belongs to all because it represents the land, so to speak, to 
which we all have a right. We believe that wages belong to 
each according to the amount of his product, and that any other 
disposition of them is robbery, and a denial of nature which has 
given us varying powers and desires ; the gratification of the 
latter stimulating us to the best use of the former. 

Let us suppose that the total present product of labor, t. e., 
everything in the country, were equally divided among the peo- 
ple of the United States, you can see that while no one would 
starve, all art, science, literature, and many, many industries 
would at once cease, and unless the total product were greatly 
increased^ so as to give a much larger share to each> civilization 
would be at an end. What we both want is that all should be 
raised to a higher level of desire and attainment, is it not ? 

I believe you agree with me that the total product must be 
increased because you say the freeing of the land must be the 
first step. You admit by this that the only way to increase the 
total product is to let labor get at land. And it must be so since 
labor and land are the onlv factors in the production of wealth 
— capital being only stored-up labor. 

Now up to this point I think we are agreed. Then what is 
your difficulty? For, of course, if wages are high and all are 
comfortable there is no "social problem," and wages cannot be 
high unless the total product is increased. It must be that you 
believe that the remainder of the product will not go to labor 
even after that part which is claimed as economic rent is secured 
to all by law ; but that it will go in unjust amount to monopoly. 
It cannot, my dear friend, it cannot. All monopolies have their 
root in land monopoly. Destroy that and they die. With taxa- 
tion abolished and access to land made easy, monopoly in the 
products of labor would be impossible, for the rise in price of 
any commodity would quickly determine labor toward the pro- 
duction of that commodity and prices would be reduced to a 
just amount. Indeed, the fact that such result was inevitable 
would prevent the asking of a monopoly price. You see how 
the abolition of the tariff would affect the prices of imported 
goods and the home-made product. Under conditions of free- 
dom the same principle would work the same result in all indus- 



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286 THE ARENA. 

tries. As for monopolies of service like railroads, telegraphs, 
etc., they have their strength in monopoly of land. I need not 
tell you how the single tax would affect the working of mines. 

Consider that farmers were prosperous when our public do- 
main was large and the tariff did not increase the price of 
what they had to buy while what they had to sell brought 
them no more ; that the taxation of land values will practically 
have the same effect as enlarging the public domain ; that farm 
land will have little or no rent under the single tax ; that far- 
mers are our largest class and our basic class, all industries rest- 
ing upon theirs and their prosperity insuring the prosperity of 
the nation ; that the general rate of wages will be what the far- 
mer can make for himself ; and above all remember this : that 
it is not because one individual can go upon unoccupied land if 
his employer does not offer him higher wages than he can make 
for himself on land at the margin of cultivation ; it is because 
great numbers can and will go on the land and by so making a 
good living will demand the product of others, who will produce 
in those lines only so long as they can make as much as they 
could at farming. 

Take a broad view and see how all this will affect society — 
the relations of classes and industries ; how it will affect produc- 
tion and exchange ; how it will stimulate individual exertion 
and give the social virtues a chance to grow. 

We take certain facts of nature and of human nature and we 
reason from analogy. We are arithmetical, geometrical in our 
precision. It is the socialists who trust to their imagination and 
ignore the nature of man. 

Read the chapter on "Wages" in "Progress and Poverty" 
and see if the reasoning is not close. Farmers are the people 
who work at the margin of cultivation, most of them ; and where 
freedom of access to land is assured they make a good living. 
There are not many persons gifted with the power of getting 
riches. Under the single tax those who are will be of service 
to humanity. S. M. GAY. 



I believe as earnestly as Miss Gay does in the principle of the 
equal right of all to the use of the earth from which all material 
wants are supplied. With her I believe that no better method 
of putting that principle into practice has been found than the 
" single tax " affords. It is the nationalization of rent, in the 
economic sense, and is better than the nationalization of land in 
this respect. If the land is nationalized or " owned " by the 
nation the individual has no right to it except it be granted by 
the nation; while if rent alone is nationalized — leaving the 



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WOMEN ON THE SINGLE TAX. 287 

land to individuals except as they choose to cooperate, the com- 
munity claiming only that "unearned increment" which the 
pressure of population creates (taken annually as ground rent 
for the public revenue) — everyone is free to live the life of the 
hermit if he chooses, in spite of the fact that " Civilization is the 
power of cooperating." When civilization reaches the point of 
full national cooperation in industry there may be little differ- 
ence between the two, but during the changing process there 
would be great advantages on the side of rent- instead of land- 
nationalization, or the " single tax." % 

Miss Gay regards this as a full solution of the labor problem, 
the abolition of involuntary poverty, the surety of equal oppor- 
tunities to all. To me it is but the essential foundation^ giving 
to each access to land, and to all a just revenue for public ex- 
penses and common benefits — a revenue derived from the 
ground rent of our common inheritance, which would be paid 
into the common treasury by each who used land sufficiently in 
demand to have a ground (or economic) rent. 

That political economy which seems to the orthodox single- 
taxer so mathematically put together seems to me to be already 
growing antiquated; for political economy is not an exact 
science, but changes with the development of sociology, of which 
it is only one part. This political economy seems to be based 
upon the assumption that our industries are and will remain 
simple, as a general rule ; whereas the capitalistic (or factory) 
system of industry — the death-struggle of competition — is in 
full blast, with more and more concentration of capital ; so that 
return to the simple forms of industry is as impossible as unde- 
sirable, when cost is considered. The question of justice is how 
to equalize the economy of this concentration. Would the 
single tax alone accomplish it ? 

Henry George has said : 

The law of development, whether it be the development of a solar 
system or of the tiniest organism, or of a human society, is the law of 
integration. It is in obedience to this law that the factory is super- 
seding the independent mechanic, the larger farm is swallowing up the 
little one, the big store shutting up the small one, that corporations are 
arising which dwarf the state, and that population tends more and 
more to concentrate in cities. Men must work together in larger 
and more closely related groups. Production must he on a greater 
scale. The only question is whether the relation in which men are 
thus drawn together and compelled to work together shall be in the 
natural relation of interdependence in equality or in the unnatural 
relation of dependence upon a master. 

Since Mr. George wrote this (in " The Land Question," page 
82) the concentration of industries has gone forward with 
amazing rapidity, and powers and inventions have come into use 



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288 THE ARENA. 

which make the statement inadequate to present condition? — 
that " All wealth is created by the application of labor to land." 
Immense combinations of capital are required for the use of the 
latest improved machinery. But this third element in modem 
wealth-production — capital or stored-up labor — is not more: 
essential than that stored-up knowledge how to produce wealth: 
— stored in discoveries, inventions, and skill — which econo- 
mists lately denominate "ability." Land and labor may 
together produce capital, but no amount of land and labor (with 
capital added) can be sure of producing ability. 

Admitting Miss Gay's three opening propositions — with some- 
mental reservation — and her later statement that all industries, 
rest upon the farmers, and that the general prosperity depends, 
upon the prosperity of the farmers, we come back to my original 
doubt which called out Miss Gay's kind attempt to set me 
right. 

I am unable to see that free access to land will make it possi- 
ble for all to obtain what we now call a good living, so that 
wages will be much and permanently raised in all departments 
of labor, and the labor question be satisfactorily settled. No 
enlargement of the public domain — by the action of the single 
tax or by the Farmer's Alliance plans — can restore the condi- 
tions of wealth production and distribution which existed when 
our country was new, and when corporations and syndicates 
were unknown. Had the single tax been adopted then, or even 
when almost exactly the same plan was proposed by Prof. Joseph 
Rodes Buchanan, in 1847 (before "Social Statics" was pub- 
lished), as reprinted from the Journal of Man in the ARENA for 
April, 1891, 1 believe that it would have worked according to the 
political economy of " Progress and Poverty " for the solution 
of the labor question. But the conditions have changed, as 
they were already changing when " The Land Question " waa 
written. The methods of production have taken socialistic 
forms, more or less, while the distribution of wealth is on the 
plane of individualism — defined by Webster as "self-interest; 
selfishness." 

Now that competition with all the world has greatly reduced 
the prices of farm products, and improved machinery has 
made overproduction of nearly everything possible, even when 
there shall no longer be under-consumption, that which fanners 
can make working for themselves on land not requiring the pay- 
ment of rent, is not likely to be such wages as can satisfy those 
engaged in other industries. It ought not to satisfy any willing 
worker. Then the labor question would remain, for employers 
could always force employees down to that point. Now that 
the world's work is nearly all done by combined labor, an intel- 



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WOMEN ON THE SINGLE TAX. 289 

ligent people ought never to be ratified till there is what Mill 
calls "an equal participation of all in the benefits of combined 
labor." 

You think, dear Miss Gay, that wages cannot be higher unless 
the total product is increased, and that the total product cannot 
be increased without the opening of more land to labor. On 
both points I differ with you, while arguing that no land should 
be held for speculation. 

With the same amount of general product, a more economical 
and equitable distribution would give much higher wages to 
labor and prevent enormous waste. Farmers all need more 
help. Land is half cultivated or allowed to lie idle because the 
cultivator is too poor to hire help or to purchase needed ma- 
chines or even necessary seed. It is estimated that four-fifths 
of all employment is, under our wasteful lack of system, given 
to the mere distribution of wealth ! The wealth produced by 
land and labor now in use (or ready to come together) might be 
increased many fold under a system of national codperation in 
industry. 

Though I have called the nationalization of rent the logical 
beginning of all true nationalism, I do not mean to say that it 
must be accomplished first. I would not presume to make a 
programme for Providence. Indeed, we already have a part of 
our means of communication, our mails, under national owner- 
ship and control, and we should work earnestly for the nation- 
alization of the remainder, or the telegraph. Very pressing is 
the need of nationalizing our means of transportation, and not 
less urgent the necessity for nationalizing the medium of ex- 
change, the tool of trade, called money. The private monopoly 
of any public utility is a menace of slavery to the people. 

I am glad you said that single-taxers "believe in sharing 
equally economic rent" — glad you said just that, for now you 
can never denounce " equal sharing " as " robbery," after the 
manner of some. Economic rent does not result equally from 
the presence in the population of the good man and the bad 
man, the industrious and the idle, the wise and the stupid. Yet 
the benefits that result from the associated use of economic rent 
(or the single tax) would be offered to all alike. This is " eco- 
nomic equality" as far as it goes. 

But you say that I believe in the equal sharing of "the results 
of individual effort " ; which is a mistake. Under the agonized 
industry of the present day, with the accumulated knowledge 
and skill of centuries crystallized in machinery, individual effort 
plays a comparatively small part. 

You say that " wages belong to each according to his product." 
In a watch factory, for instance, who can determine the amount 



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290 THE ARENA. 

of each one's product ? How much of the total output comes 
from the accumulated knowledge how to make watches, the in- 
heritance of the race? Who has an individual right to that 
immense portion ? 

When, by means of national codperation in industry, gradu- 
ally accomplished, we can equitably distribute both economic 
rent and rent of ability, there will be — perhaps far in the fu- 
ture — not only abundant wealth for all, but abundant leisure 
for all from productive and distributive labor (called the " ob- 
ligatories" by Howells' Altrurian) to engage in the blessed 
work each delights in — art, music, floriculture, science, literature, 
invention, etc., which the Altrurian calls " voluntaries." Here 
is where individual effort, or individuality, would have full free- 
dom — not to rob one's fellow-men by force, fraud, or subtlety, 
but freedom to learn and do and enjoy. 

How could the single tax alone distribute the increased 
leisure that comes from invention ? How distribute the amount 
of unemployed time already among us so that it may not mean 
more or less destitution for some and wanton excess for others ? 
The single tax can give work to all, but how can it insure wealth 
and leisure to all ? 

I know of no person or class of persons who propose to 
u divide up " all existing wealth equally, or to divide equally the 
wealth produced annually without first making provision for the 
continuation of industry and for the public requirements; no 
more than single-taxers propose to " divide up " all the land. 

Yes, it " must be " that I " believe that the remainder of the 
product will not go to labor even after that part which is 
claimed as economic rent is secured to all by law, but that it will 
go in unjust amount to monopoly." I do not share the happy 
faith that " it cannot." Mr. Rockefeller was able to establish 
the great Standard Oil monopoly without getting possession of 
the oil wells. The smelting trust lately formed can take toll 
from all the silver-mine owners and tax all users of silver with- 
out ownership of the mines. Whoever gets control of the 
lately invented mining machine can defy competition. How 
can a tax on the land value of oil wells or mines destroy the 
power of a refinery monopoly or a smelting trust ? or how kill 
the elevator trust, which robs the farmer ? 

But I have taken too much space. I will ask Mrs. Robin- 
son, the next in our circle, to touch especially upon the subject 
of monopoly to show if she can how the collection of all public 
revenue from land value alone will put an end to all trusts, 
combines, and monopolies which fleece the public for private 
gain. 

The addenda to the single- tax platform seem to admit that it 



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WOMEN ON THE SINGLE TAX. 291 

has claimed too much in the preceding paragraph, by declaring 
that 

It is also a proper function of society to maintain and control all 
public ways for the transportation of persons and property, and the 
transmission of intelligence. 

This amounts to a demand for the national ownership and 
control of the railroad and telegraph. The "Syracuse platform" 
on which Mr. George stood in 1887, also declared for the issue 
of money by government directly to the people without the 
intervention of banks. Are these nationalizations of public 
utilities necessary or not ? Can the collection of public revenue 
from land values alone destroy or prevent private monopoly of 
all public utilities ? 

FRANCES E. RUSSELL. 



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CHILD-LIFE AM) THE KINDERGARTEN. 



BY FRANK BUFFINGTON VROOMAN. 



This, then, will be the original character of our guardians. But in what way 
shall we begin and educate them? And will the investigation of this point help ns 
on toward discovering that which is the object of all our speculations, namely, the 
manner in which justice and injustice grow up in a state? .... Gome, then, like idle 
story-tellers in a story, let us describe the education. . . Then you are aware that in 
every work the beginning is the most important part, especially in dealing with any- 
thing young and tender?— Plato, " Republic," 375-377. 

Plato, not Frcebel, is the creator of the kindergarten and 
of modern educational ideals. It is a continual surprise to 
find how much of the best of ethical and political and spiri- 
tual and educational philosophy is found in the writings of 
the Greeks. It is occasion for greater surprise to consider 
the long sleep of scientific pedagogy from Plato to Rous- 
seau, or more properly Pestalozzi, only breaking dimly into 
momentary consciousness in Rabelais, P»acon, Comenius, 
Milton, Locke, and others, before the vital thing is rediscov- 
ered by that curious mixture of French philosophy and 
French vice, who himself is as much of a human paradox as 
Cellini, and whose writings present the same violent con- 
trasts between the foolish and impossible on the one 
hand, and the essential and eternal on the other, as those of 
Plato himself — Rousseau. What Rousseau taught Pesta- 
lozzi, Plato might have taught Aristotle and Aristotle might 
have taught the world. 

Plato discovered the great importance of starting aright, 
as evidenced in the w ords quoted above and taught twenty- 
three hundred years before Professor Buchner wrote that 
"Psychology is forcing upon us the weighty truth, that it is 
the first few years of life which determine by almost inexor- 
able psychical laws just what the order and content of that 
life will be when fully developed." The Roman Catholic 
educator has understood it and has said, "Give me a child 
until he is five and you may have him afterward." Again, in 
the "Laws" Plato declares the function of the educator to be 
the most important in the state, and says that upon the way 
the minister of education discharges his function, the ulti- 
mate character of the citizens will mainly turn. Thus the 
primary teacher is the most important and influential mem- 

292 



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CHILD-LIFE AND THE KINDERGABTEN. 293 

ber of a Platonic society, which is only another way of saying 
that "the hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules 
the world." This is in striking contrast with the later 
notions of the luxury-loving and degenerate Romans, who 
entrusted the education of their children to those slaves 
who became unlit for other duties, and who considered the 
work of an educator unworthy the activities of a freeman. 

Again, Plato claims that each person is by nature best 
fitted for some oiie thing, and should be trained for that, 
basing this training upon the careful observation of his 
natural and growing capacities, and allowing him to 
follow his bent and expand his own nature. "Anyoue 
that would be good at anything must practise that 
thing from his youth upwards, in sport and in earnest. . . 
The most important part of education is right training in 
the nursery. The soul of the child in his play should be 
guided to the love of that sort of excellence in which, when 
he grows up to manhood, he will have to be perfected," 
("Laws," G4o). Plato made the study of the child himself 
the basis of his training, and he taught enough to lay the 
foundations of modern genetic psychology, which has made 
primary education a science instead of a stupendous and 
somewhat systematic guess-work. 

He advocates as the main purpose of education the turn- 
ing of young faces from the darkness to the light, from the 
region of perishable shadows to the region of imperishable 
realities. Thus he lays down the principle that education 
Is primarily concerned with things, not words; with life, 
not literature; so that had he lived later his voice might 
have joined that of Montaigne against the custom of school- 
masters, "to be eternally thundering in their pupils' ears as 
if they were pouring into funnels, while the pupils' business 
is only to repeat what their masters have said." Plato 
would not have sympathized with some dear woman or 
other of whom the writer has recently heard, who gravely 
complains against the kindergarten that it "tries to teach 
the children everything in an easy, pleasant way, and to 
make them work just because they love to," and who wishes 
to substitute a rigorous system of discipline for discipline's 
sake for any scheme that proposes to make duty (of course 
to her mind necessarily disagreeable because duty) an infe- 
rior propelling force to the heart, which "giveth grace unto 
every art" "Bodily exercise," says Plato, "when compul- 
sory does no harm to the body, but knowledge which is 
acquired under compulsion obtains no hold on the mind. 
Then, my good friend, do not use compulsion, but let early 



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294 THE ARENA. 

education be a sort of amusement You will then be able 
to And the natural bent" ("Republic," 536). He advocates 
gymnastic exercises and music as the sum total of a child's 
education, in order that the young muscles should be 
trained to activity by the one, and in order that the instinct 
of harmonious beauty should be developed by the other. 

Frcebel saw children delight in activity and symbolism, 
and he said, "I can convert children's activities, energies, 
amusements, occupations, all that goes by the name of play, 
into instruments for my purpose, and thereby transform 
play into work. The conception of it I have gained from 
the children themselves. They have taught me how to 
teach them." But there was an observer before Frcebel. 
"The young of all creatures," say* Plato, "cannot be quiet 
in their bodies or in their voices," and "this love of frolic 
and activity may be turned into a means of their develop- 
ment." He advocated for the years between three and six 
the assembling of the boys and girls together in the temples 
for purposes of amusement He wished the children to be 
children before they were men. He enunciated the idea 
which Rousseau has expressed, "Nature wills that children 
should be children before they are men. If we seek to per- 
vert this order we shall produce forward fruits without 
ripeness or flavor, and though not ripe soon rotten; we 
shall have young savants and old children. Childhood has 
ways of seeing, thinking, feeling, peculiar to itself; nothing 
is more absurd than to wish to substitute our own In their 
place." 

Finally, Plato in the second book of the "Laws" advo- 
cates training through the senses, a primary kindergarten 
method. "Pleasure and pain are the first perceptions of 
children, and are the forms under which virtue and vice are 
originally present to them." A training which teaches chil- 
dren to hate what they ought to love should be avoided, 
and one substituted which teaches them to love what they 
ought to love. 

After Plato and before Froebel many were dissatisfied 
with the clumsy educational methods which chained the 
world. Rabelais concluded that Gargantua would "better 
learn nothing at all, than be taught such like books from 
such like schoolmasters," and he was first of the moderns to 
frame a curriculum based upon the observation and study 
of things instead of words, two and a half centuries before 
Pestalozzi advocated the educational use of sense-percep- 
tions. 

Bacon began the movement which was to result in the 



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CHILD-LIFE AND THE KINDERGABTEN. 295 

revolution of not only scientific study, but of all learning and 
of all teaching. The influence of Bacon upon pedagogy was 
chiefly through Comenius, who was the first in later times to 
take that view of education which connects it with man's 
nature and destiny. Whatever bears no fruit in life and 
character, he taught, is not for the school. Knowledge 
must not be given to the pupil ready-made but, as Bacon 
taught, the teacher must develop it in the pupil's mind 
as it was developed in his own. 

Rousseau gave the needed impetus to modern pedagogy 
which is still struggling against the systems of John Sturm 
and the Renaissance. It was he who initiated a practical 
educational movement founded upon sound psychological 
principles. Goethe calls "Emile" the gospel of natural edu- 
cation, in spite of its insufficiencies, and Richter says, "Not 
Rousseau's individual rules, many of which may be erro- 
neous without injury to the whole, but the spirit of educa- 
tion, which fills and animates the work, has shaken to their 
foundations and purified all the schoolrooms and even the 
nurseries in Europe." 

How vast a revolution has been wrought in our universi- 
ties may be imagined from the fact that it was possible for 
Mr. Ruskin to write a short time ago that, "until within the 
last year or two the instruction given in the physical 
sciences at Oxford consisted of a course of twelve or four- 
teen lectures on the elements of mechanics or pneumatics, 
and permission to ride out to Shotover with the professor 
of geology." This condition, which has been but little 
improved since Ruskin's day in Oxford, shows how little the 
natural and vital ideal of education has grown outside less 
pretentious circles. 

The Renaissance forged its fetters well, for to this day in 
many schools and colleges to be able to reply to cut and 
dried questions with cut and dried answers and perform 
other prodigious feats on the educational programme, is 
the ideal of the chief end of man. Many schools, colleges, 
and universities still stand for stuffing the memory, not 
developing the man. The process is analogous to that of 
the boa, to quote Mr. Ruskin again, which "does not in any 
true sense swallow but only hitches himself onto his meat 
like a coal sack ; well, that's the exact way you expect your 
poor, modern student to hitch himself onto his meat, catch- 
ing and notching his teeth into it, and dragging the skin 
of him tight over it, till at last — you know I told you a little 
while ago our artists didn't know a snake from a sausage, 
but Heaven help us, your university doctors are going on 



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296 THE ABBKA. 

at such a rate, that it will be all we can do soon to know a 
man from a sausage/' 

But a new era has dawned for childhood, and conse- 
quently a new life for the race. One may boldly say, it is 
signalled by the development of that method of education 
which has taken three steps in Rousseau, Pestalozzi, and 
Frcebel, and by the application of it, not only to kinder- 
gartens, but to intermediate schools and universities as 
well. Pestalozzi labored to prove what he clearly saw, that 
the principles of education are bound up in and dominated 
by human nature itself. He labored to transform learning 
into experience, the acquisition of knowledge into actual 
assimilation. The material of learning was to be used to 
aid the human organism to be its best. It was, not an end, 
but a means. He never did for a child what he could do for 
himself, but insisted upon self -activity, and thus became the 
enemy of the cramming system. Frcebel followed out the 
idea and developed it The idea of the kindergarten, the 
child-garden, is that it is a place for the child-soul to grow 
in; that the soil and cultivation, to carry out the figure, are 
to be dependent upon the nature and consequent needs of 
the plant; in other words, the surroundings and the nurture 
shall be intelligently and scientifically selected with refer- 
ence to the complete development of each organism towards 
its complete being. 

Thus, according to FroobeFs idea, the aim of the educator 
is to develop character's inborn and original capacities and 
possibilities, in so far as these are good. Froebel and some 
since him, while they do not consider children angels of 
light, neither consider them imps of the devil. Positive, 
then, rather than negative methods are used, and restrictive 
influences, as far as possible, are discouraged, so that the 
young life may expand naturally and spontaneously, not 
forced in any way, and always as little as possible in accord- 
ance with any arbitrary and enforced rules and as much as 
possible in the light of reason and in accordance with its 
inherent laws. Froebel and his followers seek to help the 
child to discover and follow the laws of his own nature and 
life. Spencer (quoted by Heilman, Bowen, and others) has 
recognized this truth. "A higher knowledge tends contin- 
ually to limit our interference with the processes of life. 
As in medicine, etc., so in education, we are finding that suc- 
cess is to be achieved only by rendering our measures sub- 
servient to that spontaneous unfolding which all minds go 
through in their progress to maturity." Every young life 
born into the world is looked upon as a bundle "of infinite 



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CHILD-LIFE AND THE KINDERGARTEN. 297 

possibilities which need to be so tenderly watched that all 
the best and normal ones may be developed, and all the 
abnormal ones starved out This is the theory for treating 
evil predispositions. They must be starved out, not rooted 
out. Positive and original ideals are fostered until by their 
superior vitality there is nothing left in the young nature 
for an evil growth to assimilate. It is truly the survival of 
the fittest 

The three steps in an education are, according to this 
idea, analogous to eating, digestion, and transmutation into 
energy; or acquisition, assimilation, and expression. No 
information becomes knowledge that is not assimilated, 
and no strength becomes worthy that is not developed into 
self-activity and used or given out as self. Information 
when unassimilated leads to a sort of intellectual dyspepsia ; 
when unused, to gout as it were. By keeping the child at 
work in expressing himself as fast as that self is made, 
whether it be the moral or the intellectual self, Proebel 
seeks more surely to secure normal development and also a 
healthier and better man or woman, for productiveness is 
one of the primary ends of a true educational system. It 
is now a demonstrated fact that we learn best by doing. As 
a moving body increases its speed by the momentum 
acquired, so children and men find their best growth in self- 
activity. 

Too many physiological and psychological principles are 
bound up here for treatment within the given space; but 
education by self-activity is the particular method for 
which we are indebted to Frciebel and which has so far 
found its best expression in the kindergarten. It would 
be interesting to trace the probable influence of the idea 
now demonstrated in the kindergarten upon the whole 
educational system of the world. The old-fashioned 
wooden methods that prevail in so many modern colleges 
and schools, defended and upheld by wooden men too well 
seasoned to be able to have any sympathetic associations 
with their fellows, are still eloquent appeals for that revo- 
lution in the educational world, which was outlined by 
Plato, mostly forgotten until Rousseau, and practically 
developed by Pestalozzi and Frcebel. 

The usefulness of the kindergarten having been demon- 
strated wherever it has been introduced, the primary impor- 
tance of its thorough and immediate extension in connection 
with the common schools is the phase of the question which 
concerns us as citizens. The right and duty of state inter- 
ference in the direction of public instruction has never been 



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298 THE ABEKA. 

questioned since once it was fairly tried. There is no 
enlargement of state activity which will excite less criticism 
and cause less friction than that one proposed in offering a 
free kindergarten system. It is by no means an innovation 
to suggest that a state which was the first in history to 
place within the reach of every child free instruction meet- 
ing the requirements for admission to college should also 
give free instruction to every child at as early an age as that 
child may be taken from his mother. In other words, free 
intermediate schools should be supplemented by free kin- 
dergartens. Surely it is stupid to elaborately and carefully 
devote the whole attention to the superstructure without 
giving a thought to the foundation! If indeed, as all the 
great educators from Plato to Froebel teach us, the child's 
first instruction is the most vitally important, and the 
formation of his whole character is dependent upon it, so 
that no subsequent care can make amends for wrong begin- 
nings, how can the state afford to discount its own work 
by failure to prepare the way for it? It leaves it to a 
chance hand, or to no hand at all, or to one that will play 
havoc, to form the mould into which it will pour its fine 
gold. 

There is one class that, more than any other, would return 
value to the state for the investment in free kindergartens, 
perhaps compulsory ones. These are the slummery chil- 
dren. "If you allow your children to be badly taught," said 
Sir Thomas More long ago, "their morals will be corrupted 
from childhood, and then when they are men you will punish 
them for the very crimes to which they have been trained 
from childhood. What is this but to make thieves and 
then to punish them?" The possibilities that lie in the 
fact that, for good or ill, the character is mostly formed in 
the first few years of childhood, make at once our hope and 
our despair. Those who know the condition of the children 
of the slums and out of what influences they come to school, 
returning to them again, can have little hope of regenera- 
tion by kindergartens, even though they accept at low valu- 
ation the inestimable ideas for which the names of Pesta- 
lozzi and Fra-bel stand. One staggers before the dwindling 
chances of doing anything efficient as long as ragged and 
unclean gutfer-graduated children swarm on the outskirts 
of civilization in festering slums — in kindergartens for 
crime. 

Let no civilization call itself Christian until it makes 
gardens for the child-soul to sleep and eat and grow in, 
other than putrid alleys, houses filled with vermin human 



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CHILD-LIFE AND THE KINDERGARTEN. 299 

and inhuman, air blue with blasphemy and obscenity. 
What will your kindergartens do for these exotics, trans- 
planted for an hour or two a day, whose normal element is 
dirt, vice, and crime? After hours and before hours are 
formative-hours as well as those in schools. What though 
we add free kindergartens to free intermediate schools, if 
we nurse conditions that will effectually undo all we can do! 
We need thorough work, work based on all the facts in- 
volved, work that will not only make more effective the most 
effective educational system in the world, but a work of con- 
nectedness and continuity in the Froebelian sense, that will 
direct the whole development and growth of the whole child 
and all children. For while children receive certain im- 
pulses and tendencies at school, their characters are formed 
at home. 

The human soul in youth is not a machine of which you can polish 
the cogs with any kelp or brickdust near at hand; and having got it 
into working order and oiled serviceableness, start your immortal 
locomotive, at twenty-five years old or thirty, express from the Strait 
Gate, on the Narrow Road. The whole period of youth is one essen- 
tially of formation, edification, instruction (I use the words with their 
weight in them), in taking of stores, establishment in vital habits, 
hopes, and faiths. There is not an hour of it but is trembling with 
destinies — not a moment of which, once past, the appointed work can 
ever be done over again, or the neglected blow struck on the cold iron. 
Take your vase of Venice glass out of the furnace, and strew chaff over 
it in its transparent heat and recover that to its clearness and rubied 
glory when the north wind has blown upon it; but do not think to 
strew chaff over the child fresh from God's presence, and to bring the 
heavenly colors back to him — at least in this world. — Ruskin, " Mod- 
ern Painters." 

To sum up then: First, one must keep in mind the pri- 
mary end of all education, the complete development of a 
sound childhood into a perfect manhood and womanhood. 
Second, if the kindergarten is based on a fruitful idea, and 
if education by the state is at all justifiable, then a com- 
plete kindergarten system should be undertaken by the 
state. Third, if the making of a better humauity is the con- 
cern of the state, that state cannot afford to allow its best 
work to be undone, but must do a thorough work, if it does 
a worthy one. Fourth, the state must ""interfere" in all the 
environment that affects child-life; housing, sanitation, and 
everything that influences character, for better or for 
worse. 

Following are a few titles of books that would be useful in farther 
study of the question : 

Bibliography. 

Froebel's works (selected largely from Bo wen's Froebel). 
Froebel's Autobiographical Letters. 



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300 THE ARENA. 

Reminiscences of Froabel, Dr. W. Lange. 

Life of FrcBbel, Hanschmann. 

Pestalozzi, by Frcebel. 1809. 

To our German People. 1820. 

Principles, Aims, etc., Educational Institute at Keilhau. 1821. 

Aphorisms. 1821. 

Concerning the Universal German Educational Institute* at Keilhau. 
1822. 

On German Education. 1822. 

On Institute at Keilhau, continued. 1823-24. 

Christmas Festivals at Keilhau. 1816-24. 

People's Educational Institute at Helba. 1820. 

At the Grave of Wilhelm Carl. 1830. 

Institute at Warlensee. 1831. 

Fundamental Principles of the Education of Man. With Plan of 
Study. 183*. 

Plan for Educational Institution for Poor. 1833. 

Plan for Elementary School. 1836. 

Vol. II., Education of Man. 1826. Translated by Miss J. Jarvis, 
1885. Lovell & Co., New York. Appendix, Essays of year 1826. 

Vol. Pedagogy of the Kindergarten. 1837-40. 

Letters on the Kindergarten. 1838-62. 

Pestalozzi's Leben und Ausichten, van Christoffel. Zurich, 1846. 

Pestalozzi, von Prof. Hose nk ran z. Konigsberg. 

Pestalozzi, von Bagge. Frankfurt, 1847. 

Pestalozzi und Rousseau, von Zaller. Frankfurt, 1851. 

Biographic de H. Pestalozzi, par Mile. Chevannes. Lausanne, 1853. 

Rausseau und Pestalozzi, von O. Hunziker. Basel, 1885. 

Pestalozzi, seine Lehrart und seine Austalt, von A. Loyaux. Berlin, 
1803. 

Pestalozzi 1 s Methode und ihre Anwendung in der Volksschule, vonF. 
H. E. Schwartz. Bremen, 1803. 

Ueber Pestalozzi's Lehrart, etc., von Fischer. Berlin, 1803. 

Padagogische Mittheilungen, von Kimbly. Berlin, 1809. 

Plan d' organization pour les £ coles primaires, par F. Curler. Paris, 
1815. 

Notice sur Pestalozzi, par Mme. Adele du Thon. Geneve, 1827. 

The Paradise of Childhood, by Professor E. Weibe. London, 
Sonnenschein. 

Outlines of Psychology with reference to the Theory ef Education, 
by James Sully, A. M. $3, New York, Appleton. 

Teacher's Handbook of Psychology on the basis of above, by James 
Sully. $1.50, New York, Appleton. 

The Human Mind, bv James Sully. 2 vols., New York, Appleton. 

Music for the Kindergarten, by Fraiilein E. Heerwart. London, 
Boose y. 

Manual of Kindergarten Drawing, by N. Moore. London, Sonnen- 
schein. 

Kindergarten Songs and Games, by Mrs. Berry and Mme. Michaelis. 
London, Myers. 

Thirty-two Kindergarten Songs, by J. F. Borschitzky. London, 
Myers. 

The Kindergarten Guide, by Maria Kraus-Boelte and John Kraus. 
London, Myers. 

A Practical Guide to the English Kindergarten, by J. and B. Ronge. 
London, Myers. 

The Praxis of the Kindergarten, by Hermann Goldammer; translated 
by Wright. 



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CHILD-LIFE AND THE KINDERGARTEN. 301 

Synoptical Table of Probers Principles, by Mme. de PortugalL Lon- 
don, Myers. 

Principles of the Kindergarten, by Miss Lyschinska. London, Isbis- 
ter. 

Kindergarten Drawing, parts 1-6, by Fraulein E. Heerwart. London, 
Myers. 

Probel's First Gifts, abridged from Kohler by Mary Gurney, part 1. 
London, Myers. 

FrobeFs Plane Surfaces, abridged from Kohler by Mary Gurney, 
part 2. London, Myers. 

Probers Course of Paper-Cutting, edited and supplemented by 
Fraulein E. Heerwart. Loudon, Sonnenschein. 

Manuel pratique des jardins d'enfants do Fr. Froebcl a V usage des in- 
stitutrices et des meres de famille, by J. F. Jakoss. Brussels, Claason. 

The Kindergarten at Home, by Miss Shirreff. London, Joseph 
Hughes. 

Kindergarten Essays : ten lectures by Miss Shirreff et al. London, 
Sonnenschein. 

The Home, the Kindergarten, and the Primary School, by Miss E. P. 
Peabody. London, Sonnenschein. 

Lectures for Kindergartners, by Miss E. P. Peabody. Boston, Heath 
&Co. 

Praxis des Kindergartens, by August Kohler. 3 vol. Weimar, 
Bohlau. 

Life of Frobel, by Miss Shirreff. London, Chapman A Hall. 

Autobiography of Frobel, his own translation. London, Sonnen- 
schein. 

Reminiscences of Frobel, by Baroness v. Marenholtz-Bulow, trans- 
lated by Mrs. Mann. Boston, Lee <fc Sbepard. 

The Child and Child Nature, by Baroness v. Marenholtz-Bulow ; trans- 
lated by Miss Christie. London, Sonnenschein. 

Handwork and Headwork, by Baroness v. Marenholtz-Bulow ; trans- 
lated by Miss Christie. London, Sonnenschein. 

Geschichte der Padagogik, by Karl Schmidt. 4 vols. Kothen, 
Sc net tier. 

Encyklopadie des gesammten Erziehungs-und Unterrichtwesens, by 
K. A. Schmid. 11 vols. Gotha, Besser. 

Dictionnaire de Pedagogic. Premiere partie. 2 vols. Paris, Hachette. 

Kindergarten and Child Culture, edited by Dr. Henry Barnard. 
Hartford, Barnard. 

Fried rich Frobel: die Entwickelung seiner Erzeihungsidee in seine m 
Leben, by Alexander Bruno Hanschmann. Eisenach, J. Bacmeister. 

The Place of the Story in the Public Schools, by Sara E. Wiltse. 
Boston, 1892. 

Kindergarten and Child-Culture papers, Henry Barnard, editor. Re- 
vised edition, Hartford, 1895. 

FrobePs first Gifts, etc., by Heinrich Hoffman, pupil of Frobel. 
New York, 1892. 
Childhood's Morning, by Mrs. Mumford. Boston, 1895. 
Frobel, Bowen. Scribner's. 

Meber individualitatsbilder, by E. Brinkmann. Gotha, 1892. 
Theaphron, J. H. Campe. Bearbeitet fon Karl Richter. Leipsig, 
1875. 
Les Enfants Education. Champfleury, Jules. Paris, 1872. 
The School of Infancy, by J. A. Comenius. London, 1858. 
Les Enfants mal Ele*ves, by Fernand Nicolay. Paris, 1891. 
Children's Rights, by Mrs. Kate Douglas Wiggin. Boston, 1892. 



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302 THE ARENA. 

Pensles de M. de Montaigne en matiere d'lducation d'Enfants. 
Arendt. 1889. 

The Education of the Senses, by Charles Baker. London, 1837. 

What Shall we do with our Children? by Charles A. Barry. Boston, 
1891. 

Early Education, by Mrs. Barwell. 

Des sohnes erziehung, Ernst Boh me. Dresden, 1872. 

Die erziehung des Kindes, etc., W. Botlicher. Zwaim, 1892. 
Gentle Measures in the training of the Young, by Jacob Abbott. 
New York, 1872. 

Hints for the Scientific Observation and Study of Children, by Mrs. 
Helen Adler, New York, 1891. 

Observations on the Principles and Methods of Infant Instruction, by 
A. B. Alcott, Boston, 1830. 

For reference to articles in Barnard's American Journal of Education, 
see the Analytical Index to Vols. I.-XXXI., 1855-1881, published by 
the U. S. Bureau of Educational Literature, part I. 

The Dialogues of Plato, translated into English, by Professor Jowett. 
Mac mi 11 an (last edition). 

Thomas Carlyle, Froude. 

Principles of Education Practically applied, Greenwood. Appleton 
A Co. 

Pedagogics of the Kindergarten, or His ideas Concerning the Play 
and Playthings of the Child, Fried rich Froebel; translated by Josephine 
Jarvis. Price $1.50. D. Appleton A Co., New York, 1895. 

Gates' Plato. 3 vols. John Murray, London. 

Republic of Plato, translated by Daniels A Vaughn. Macmillan 
A Co. 

Prof. Rauber's Homo Sapiens Ferus, or the Condition of the Human 
Being Become Wild and its Significance for Science, the State, and 
the School. 

The Culture Demanded by Modern Life: Addresses. D. Appleton 
A Co. 

Education of Man, Frcabel. D. Appleton A Co. 

Pestalozzi, Life and Work, De Guimps. D. Appleton A Co. 

Practical Hints for Teachers, Howland. D. Appleton A Co. 

Systematic Science Teaching, Howe. D. Appleton A Co. 

Pedagogics of the Kindergarten, Froabel. D. Appleton A Co. 

The Education of the Greek People, Davidson. D. Appleton A Co. 

Symbolio Education, Blow. D. Appleton A Co. 

Psychology applied to Art of Teaching, Baldwin. D. Appleton A 
Co. 

Elementary Psychology and Teaching, Baldwin. D. Appleton A Co. 

Moral Instruction of Children, Adler. D. Appleton A Co. 

Educational Reformers, Quick. D. Appleton A Co. 

The Infant Mind, Preyer. D. Appleton A Co. 

Emile, Rousseau. D. Appleton A Co. 

History of Education, Painter. D. Appleton A Co. 

Pestalozzi, H. Kruesi. Wilson, Hinkle A Co. 

Pestalozzi, article by M. J. Guillaume in Binsson's Dictionaire de 
Pedagogic. 

Reminiscences of Froebel, Baroness Marenhoiz-Bulow ; translated by 
Horace Mann. 

Kindergarten and Child Culture, Henry Barnard. 

Die Padagogik, J. Sturm. Ernst Laas. 

Essays on a Liberal Education, edited by Farrar. 

Christian Schools and Scholars, A. T. Drane. 

Loyola, T. Hughes. 

Francais Rabelais, Dr. Anustadk Leipsig, Barth,1872. 



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FALLEN. 



BY CECELIA DE VERB. 



She stood amid a brilliant throng: 
Her face was fair, her eyes were bright, 

Faint blushes stole her brow along 
Like crimson flushed in clouds of white. 

Her robe was soft as Jewelled snow 
That scintillates in morning's beams; 

Her diamond chain gave glint and glow 
Like stars that follow twilight dreams. 

Rare lilies and a glistening crown 
Secured the mist- wrought flowing veil; 

With music floating up and down 
Came perfume rich as Eastern gale,— 

For blossoms surged along the aisle. 

Hung festooned o'er her shining head, 
And drifted to an altar pile 

Where she to statued wealth was wed. 



A fallen woman! What, the child 
Of culture, wealth, and Christian grace? 

Whoe'er, whate'er, her heart beguiled? 
Whence came the brand of black disgrace? 

A fallen woman! She would shrink 
From tattered, sin-stained sister's form; 

Her guarded spirit scarce could think 
Of outcasts mired in passion's storm. 

She did not know why wind or sea 
Should rise and sweep life's good away; 

Why hearts could not untempted be, 
A regulated fountain's play. 

That fall, before the angels' eyes, 
Though piteous, ranked not as her own; 

'Twas of the grasping worldly-wise 
Who human sympathies dethrone. 

Though gaunt starvation walked the street, 

Or lay neglected, cold and bare, 
While suicide with maddened feet 

Plunged o'er the chasm of despair, 

803 



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804 THE ABBNA. 

*Tls doubtful if one joy would flit 
At sight of what that grandeur cost; 

For deeper than its Christian pit 
The world of affluence is lost 

Woe, woe is earth, that noble souls 
By boundless wealth abnormal grow, 

Warped where blind selfishness controls, 
Life's amplitude can never know! 

Ah! not alone to alleys grim, 
Where sin's wild, hideous rites are kept, 

Have gone the heavenly seraphim 
And o'er earth's erring children wept 

But they have bowed in princely halls 
And mourned 'mid pleasure's gorgeous train, 

Where golden are the serpent's thralls, 
And holy pleadings prove but vain. 

To them transgression wears no mask; 

Its heaviest weight, its darkest hue, 
In vile prosperity may bask, — 

Their eyes discern it through and through. 

And Liberty in grief bemoans 

Her heroines of Pilgrim stock, 
Who heard fierce ocean's organ tones 

On bridal tours to Plymouth Rock. 

How hath the nation gone astray 
Where rotten monarchies have led! 

What blood-bought rights have paved the way 
For Greed and Tyranny to tread! 

How stands the contrast with that race 
Intent on building Freedom's shrine. 

Whose women knew the martyr's place 
Lived, toiled, and died in faith sublime! 

Would sons as recreant robbers band 
If daughters to Columbia turned, 

Bewailing glory of the land 
That once beneath her banner burned? 

Rise, women, rise! and quench the pride 
Torch-lighted at the forge of hell. 

For God's republic now decide — 
Or shrink, and wait its funeral knelL 



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A WIFE MANUFACTURED TO ORDER. 



BY ALICE W. FULLER. 



As I was going down G Street in the city of W a 

strange sign attracted my attention. I stopped, looked, 
fairly rubbed my eyes to see if they were rightly focused; 
yes, there it was plainly lettered in gilt: "Wives made to 
order! Satisfaction guaranteed or money refunded." 

Well! well! does some lunatic live here, I wonder? By 
Jove! I will investigate. I had inherited (I suppose from 
my mother) a bit of curiosity, and thq truth of the matter 
was this: now nearing the age of forty, I thought it might 
be advisable to settle down in a home of my own; but alas! 
to settle down to a life of strife and turmoil, that would not 
be pleasant; and that I should have to do, I knew very well, 
if I should marry any of my numerous lady acquaintances — 
especially Florence Ward, the one I most admired. She 
unfortunately had strong-minded ways, and inclinations to 
be investigating woman's rights, politics, theosophy, and 
all that sort of thing. Bah! I could never endure it I 
should be miserable, and the outcome would be a separa- 
tion; I knew it To be dictated to, perhaps found fault 
with — no, no, it would never do; better be a bachelor and at 
least live in peace. But — what does this sign mean? I'll 
find but for myself. 

A ring of the bell brought a little white-haired, wiry sort 
of a man to the door. "Walk in, walk in, sir," he said. 

I asked for an explanation of the strange sign over the 
door. 

"Just step right in here and be seated, sir. My master is 
engaged at present, sir, with a great politician who hnd to 
separate from his wife; was so fractious, sir, got so many 
strange notions in her head; in fact, she wanted to hold the 
reins herself. You may have seen it — the papers have been 
full of it Why, law bless you, sir, the poor man couldn't 
say his soul was his own, and he is here now making 
arrangements with master to make him a quieter sort of 



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306 THE ABENA. 

wife, some one to do the honors of the home without feelin' 
neglected if he happens to be a little courteous to some of 
his young lady friends. You see, master makes 'ein to order, 
makes 'em to think just as you do, just as you want 'em 
to; then you've got a happy home, something to live for. 
Beautiful — golly! I've seen some of the beautifulest women 
turned out, 'most make your mouth water to look at" And 
so the old man rattled on until I was quite bewildered. 

I interrupted him by asking if I could see his master. 

"Oh, certainly, sir; you just make yourself comfortable 
and I will let you know when he is through." 

I sat for some time like one in a dream, wondering if this 
could be so, and with many wonderful modern inventions 
in mind I began to think it possible. And then there was 
a vision of a happy home, a wife beautiful as a dream, gentle 
and loving, without a thought for anyone but me; one who 
would never reproach me if I didn't happen to get home just 
at what she thought was the proper time; one who would 
not ask me to go to church when she knew it was against my 
wishes; one who would never find fault with me if I wished 
to go to a base-ball game on Sunday, or bother me to take 
her to the theatre or opera. A man, you know, can't give 
much time to such things without interfering greatly with 
his comfort. Oh! could all this be realized? But just 
then my reverie was broken by the old man, who was saying: 
"Just step this way. Master, let me introduce you to Mr. 
Charles Fitzsimmons." 

Short, thick-set, florid complexion, pale blue eyes with a 
sinister twinkle, was the description of Mr. Sharper, whom I 
confronted. Reaching out his hand, which was cold and 
clammy and reminded me very much of a piece of cold 
boiled pork, he said: 

"Now, young man, what can I do for you? Want a life- 
companion, a pleasant one? Man of means, no doubt, and 
can enjoy yourself; a little fun now and then with the boys, 
and no harm at all — none in the least. When a man comes 
home tired, doesn't like to be dictated to; want some one 
always to meet you with a smile, some one that doesn't 
expect you to be fondlin' and pettin' 'em all the time. I 
understand it — I know just how it ia Law bless my soul, 
I'e made more'n one man happy, and I've only been in the 
business a short time, too. Now, sir, I can get you up any 
style you want — icax, but can't be detected." 

"Do you mean to say you manufacture a woman out of 
wax, who will talk? " 

"That's just what I do; you give me the subjects you 



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A WIFE MANUFACTURED TO ORDER. 307 

most enjoy talking upon, and tell ine what kind of a looking 
wife you want, and leave the rest to me, and you will never 
regret it I will furnish as many 'phones' as you wish; 
most men don't care for such a variety for a wife — too much 
talk, you know;" and he chuckled and laughed like a big 
baby. 

"What are your prices, may I ask? " 

"Well, it's owing a good deal to how they are got up — 
from five hundred to a thousand dollars." 

"Well," I said, "I think that rather high." 

"Dear man alive, a pleasant companion for life for a few 
hundred dollars! Most men don't grumble at all for the 
sake of having their own way and a pleasant home, and you 
see she ain't always asking for money." (Sure enough, I 
hadn't thought of that) 

"Very well, I will decide upon the matter and let you 
know." 

"All right, young man; you'll come back. They all do, 
them as knows about it" 

I went to my room at the hotel and thought it all out, 
thought of the pleasant evenings I could have with some 
one whose thoughts were like my own, some one who would 
not vex me by differing in opinion. I wondered what 
Florence would say. I really believed she cared for me, 
but she knew how I disliked so many of the topics she per- 
sisted in talking upon. What mattered it to me what 
Emerson said, or Edward Bellamy wrote, or Henry George, 
or Pentecost? what did I care about Hume or Huxley or 
Stuart Mill? any of those sciences, Christian Science or 
Divine Science or mind cure? — bah! it was all nonsense. 
The topics of the day were enough, and if I attended closely 
to my business I needed recreation, not such things as she 
would prescribe. Still Florence was interesting to talk to, 
and I rather liked her at times when she talked every-day 
talk ; but I could not marry her, and it was her own fault. 
She knew my sentiments, and if she would persist in going 
on as she did I couldn't help it 

Yes, I decided I would have a home of my own, and a wife 
made to order at once. Before leaving the city I made all 
necessary arrangements, hurried home, rented a house, and 
went to see old Susan Tyler, whom I engaged as house- 
keeper; she was deaf and had an impediment in her speech, 
but she was a fine housekeeper. All my preparations made, 
the ideal home ! Oh ! how my heart beat as I looked around ! 
— what happiness to do as I liked, a beautiful, uncomplain- 
ing wife ready to grant every wish and meet me with a 



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808 THE ARENA. 

smile! What would the boys say when, out a little late at 
night, I should be so perfectly at ease? I could just see 
jealousy jm their faces, and I laughed outright for joy. 
To-morrow I was going for my bride. Side-looks and 
innuendos were thrust at me from all quarters, but I was 
too happy to demur or explain. When I reached the city i 
could scarcely wait for the appointed time. 

Alighting from the carriage the door was opened, and I 
was ushered into the presence of the most beautiful creature 
I had ever beheld. The hands extended towards mine, the 
lips opened, and a low, sweet voice said, "Dear Charles, how 
glad I am you have come! " I stood spellbound, and only a 
chuckle from Mr. Sharper brought me to my senses. 

"Kiss your affianced, why don't you?" he said, and 
chuckled again. 

I felt as though I wanted to knock him down for speaking 
so in that beautiful creature's presence. And then a little 
soft rippling laugh, and she moved towards me. Oh, could 
I get that beast to leave the room! Why did he stand there 
chuckling in that manner? 

"Sir," I said, "you will oblige me by leaving the room for 
a few moments." 

With that he chuckled still louder and muttered, "Bless 
me, I really believe he thinks her alive." Then to me: "To 
be sure, to be sure, but you only have a short time before 
going to the minister's, and I must show you how to adjust 
her. When you get home" — and he chuckled again — "you 
can be just as sentimental as you please, but just now we 
will attend to business. Here are a box of tubes made to 
talk &s .you wished them. They are adjusted so. Place the 
one you wish in your sleeve. You can carelessly touch her 
right here if there is any one around. Here is a spring in 
each hand and the tips of her fingers. I will give you a book 
of instructions, and you will soon learn to arrange her with 
very little effort, just to suit yourself, and I am sure you will 
be very happy. Now, sir, the time is up; you can go to the 
minister's." 

As I put her wraps around her and drew her arm through 
mine she murmured so sweetly, "Thank you, dear." How 
glad I was to get out of the presence of that vile man who 
was constantly pulling or pushing her; I could scarcely 
keep my hands off from him, and my serene Margurette — 
for I decided to call her that — would onlv smile and sav, 
"Thank you! " "Oh, how lovely! " "Ah, indeed! " I was 
almost vexed with her to think she did not resent it I 
wanted her all to myself where I could have the smiles, and 



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A WIFE MANUFACTURED TO ORDER. 309 

thought I should be thankful when we were in our own 
borne. 

During our journey I could not help noticing the admiring 
glances from my fellow travellers, but my beautiful wife did 
not return any of their looks. In fact, I overheard a couple 
of young dudes say, "Just wait till that old codger's back is 
turned, and we shall see whether she will have no smiles for 
any but him. ,, I had half a notion to adjust her to give them 
some cutting reply and then go into the smoker awhile, for 
I was sure they would try to get into conversation with her; 
but pshaw! I hadn't ordered any tubes of that kind. I 
believed I'd send and get one in case of an emergency. No, 
I wouldn't have such in the house; I wanted an amiable 
wife, and when we were once at home it would not be neces- 
sary. I wouldn't have to go with her anywhere unless I 
wanted to. Only think of that! — never feel that my wife 
would ask me to go with her and I have to refuse, then ten 
to one have her cry and make a fuss about it. I knew how 
it was, for I had seen too much of that sort of thing in the 
homes of my friends. 

Business ran smoothly; everything was perfect harmony; 
my home was heaven on earth. I smoked when I wished to, 
I went to my base-ball games, I stayed out as long as I 
pleased, played cards when I wished, drank champagne or 
whatever I fancied, in fact had as good a time as I did before 
marriage. My male friends congratulated me upon my 
good fortune, and I was considered the luckiest man any- 
where around. No one knew how I had made the good luck 
for myself. 

There are some things in life I could never understand. 
One of them is that, when everything seems so prosperous, 
calamity is so often in the wake. And that was the case 
with me. After so many prosperous years a financial crash 
came. I tried to ward it off ; I was up early and late. Mar- 
gurette never complained, but was always sweet and smiling, 
with the same endearing words. Sometimes as the years 
went by 1 felt as though I would not object to her differing 
with me a little, for variety's sake; still it was best. When 
I would say, "Margurette, do you really think so? " and I 
would speak so cross to her often — I don't know but that I 
did so more than was necessary; still a man must have 
some place where he can be himself, and if he can't have 
that privilege at home, what's the use of having a home? — 
but she was never out of patience, and my wife would only 
say, "Yes, darling," so low and sweet. I remember once I 
said, when I was worried more than usual, "I am damned 



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310 THE AKENA. 

tired of this sort of thing/' and she laughed so sweetly and 
called me her "own precious boy." 

But the crash came, and there was no use trying to stay 
it any longer. I came home sick and tired. It was nine 
o'clock at night, with a cold, drizzling rain falling. Susan 
had gone to bed sick, and forgotten to light a fire in the 
grate. I went into the library, where Margurette always 
waited for me. No lights; I stumbled over a chair. I 
accidentally touched Margurette. She put up her lips to 
kiss me and laughingly said, "Precious darling, tired to- 
night? " Great God! I came very near striking her. 

"Margurette, don't call me darling, talk to me; talk to me 
about something — anything sensible. Don't you know I am 
a ruined man? Everything I have got has been swept away 
from me." 

"There, precious, I love you ;" and she laughed again. 

"Did you not hear what I said? " I screamed. 

But she only laughed the more and said, "Oh, how lovely!" 

I rushed from the house. I could not endure it longer; I 
was like one mad. My first thought was, Where can I go, 
to whom can I go for sympathy? I cannot stand this strain 
much longer, and to show weakness to men, I could never 
do that I will go to Florence, I said. I will see what she 
says. Strange I should think of her just then ! 

I asked the servant who admitted me for Miss Florence. 

"She is indisposed and cannot see anyone to-night" 

"But," I said, writing on a card hastily, "take this to her." 

Only a few moments elapsed and she came in, holding out 
her hand in an assuring and friendly way. "I am surprised 
to see you to-night, Mr. Fitzsimmons." 

"O Florence! " I cried, "I am in trouble. I believe I shall 
lose my mind if I cannot have someone to go to; and you, 
dear Florence, you will know my needs; you can counsel, 
you can understand me." 

"Sir ! " Florence said, "are you mad, that you come here to 
insult me? " 

"But I love you. I know it I love the traits that I once 
thought I despised." 

"Stop where you are ! I did not receive you to hear such 
language. You forget yourself and me; you forget that 
you are a married man — shame upon you for humiliating 
me so!" 

"Florence, Florence, I am not married; it is all a lie, a 
deception." 

"Have you lost your reason, Mr. Fitzsimmons? Sit down, 
pray, and let me call my father. You are ill." 



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A WIFE MANUFACTURED TO ORDER. 811 

"Stop," I cried, "I do not need your father. I need you. 
Listen to me. I imagined I could never be happy with a 
wife who differed in opinion from me. In fact, I had almost 
decided to remain single all the rest of my days, until I came 
across a man who manufactured wives to order. Wait, 
Florence, until I have finished — do not look at me so. I am 
indeed sane. My wife was manufactured to my own ideas, 
a perfect human being as I supposed." 

"Mr. Fitzsiminons, let me call my father." And Florence 
started towards the door. She was so pale that she 
frightened me, but I clutched her frantically. 

"Listen," I said; "will you. go with me? I will prove that 
all I have told you is true." 

My earnestness seemed to reassure her. She stopped as 
if carefully thinking, then asked me to repeat what I had 
already told her. Finally she said yes, she would go. 

We were soon in the presence of my beautiful Margurette, 
whom I literally hated — I could not endure her face. "Now, 
Florence, see," I cried; and I had my wife talk the namby- 
pamby lingo I once thought so sweet "Oh! how I hate 
her! " and I glared at her like a madman. "Florence, save 
me. I am a ruined man. Everything has been swept away 
— the last to-day. I am a pauper, an egotist, a bigot, & 
selfish" 

"Stop!" cried Florence. "You wrong yourself ; you are 
a man in your prime. What if your money has gone, you 
have your health and your faculties, I guess" (and there 
was a merry twinkle in her eyes) ; "the whole world is before 
you, and, best of all, no one to interfere with you or argue on 
disagreeable topics." 

"O Florence! I am punished enough for my selfishness. 

God!" and I threw myself on the couch, "were I not a 
pauper, too, there might be some hope for happiness yet" 

"You are not a pauper,^ said Florence; "you are the 
master of your fate, and if you are not happy it is your own 
fault" 

"Florence, I can never be happy without you. I know 
now it is too late." 

"Too late — never say that But could you be happy with 
me, 'a woman wedded to an idea,' 'strongminded'? Why, 
Charles, I am liable to investigate all sorts of scientific 
subjects and reforms. And then supposing I should talk 
about it sometimes; if it was not for that I might think of 
the matter. As far as money is concerned, that would have 
little to do with my actions. Still, Charles, upon the whole 

1 should be afraid to marry the 'divorced' husband of so 



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812 tfifi ABBNA. 

amiable a wife as your present one is. I, with my faults and 
imperfections! — the contrast would be too great" 

"Florence, Florence," I said, "say no more. All I ask is, 
can you overlook my folly and take me for better, for worse? 
I have learned my lesson. I see now it is only a petty and 
narrow type of man who would wish to live only with his 
own personal echo. I want a woman, one who retains her 
individuality, a thinking woman. Will you be mine? " 

"I will consider the matter favorably," said Florence; "but 
we shall have to wait a year, for opinion's sake, as I suppose 
there are not many who know how you had your late wife 
manufactured to order." 

And we both laughed. 



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THE LIGHT IN THE EAST. 



BT ALLISON GABDXEB D BERING. 



O dull-browed toilers! on whose shrinking shoulders 
The sumptuous palaces of wealth are built, 
Whose precious wine of life is daily spilt, 

And in whose hearts the fire of hatred smoulders, 

Wh«, like the fabled giant, that held ever 

'Mid weary groans, the heavens and earth apart, 
With quivering, straining nerves, and bleeding heart, 

Wealth's seeming heaven, from toil's pollution sever, 

And who, like him, because of hopeless gazing 
Where the dread Future's Gorgon head is shown, 
Are slowly, slowly, turning into stone, 
And never eyes of hope to heaven raising, — 

At last look up, oh, look! the dawn is breaking; 
The glad new dawn in thousand voices calls, 
And Love's celestial ray from heaven falls, 

An answering radiance from earth awaking. 

There is no thing in all the world for saving 

But only Love; naught else shall succor thee; 
Alike are impotent sad Pity's plea, 

Cool Reason's argument, and Hate's mad raving. 

And boundless power and wealth were little worth 
To aid mankind, till all this truth shall see: 
Nor statesman's cunning scheme, nor wise decree, 

Nor force of arms, shall bring us peace on earth. 

But Love looks not with sad, compassionate eyes, 
On some hard lot as by another borne, 
To give its dole, and then pass sadly on; 

Pity gives thus, but Love in other wise. 

Love holds the beating pulse of all that are, 

And in her own heart feels each throb of pain; 
Could Love, then, count as her own personal gain 

Aught that leaves one to suffer, near or far? 

813 



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814 THE ARENA. 

No! this new-dawning Love herself shall see 

In all that suffer, till at last on earth 

The sweet twin children, Joy and Peace, have birth. 
When Love and Work are wed, this fruit shall be. 

Then set your faces toward the eastern gate, 

Whence the light comes. Behold the Future's face! 
What eyes of hope are hers, wherein to trace 

Our goal! " Leave all for Love," and work and wait. 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 



PILATE'S QUERY.* 

To-day is the hour of the interrogation point; the searching spirit 
is everywhere present; ancient wisdom, conventional opinions, and 
the speculations of daring souls are being challenged on ail sides; 
proof is the watchword of the hour. This condition is disquieting, 
as conditions of growth and progress must be, for growth implies 
change. Prejudice, dogmatism, superstition, and conventionalism 
recoil from the searchlight of scientific inquiry as bats and owls 
shrink from the smile of the dawn. Nothing so disturbs the apostles 
of conservatism as those words of wisdom which express the august 
command of God— Search, Behold, Consider, Reason; yet these are 
the watchwords of progress no less than they are mandates of the 
Divine. Those who have heard and heeded this injunction of the 
Infinite have too frequently been rewarded by conventionalism with 
the cross, the hemlock, or the flame; but the words of truth spokeu 
and the flashes of wisdom which have come from them have remained 
with man only to grow and fructify In after years. 

At intervals nations and civilizations have experienced epochs of 
unrest, strongly marked by mental and spiritual activity no less than 
unusual discontent. There are supreme moments, august judgment 
days— moments in which nobler, broader, and higher conceptions of 
truth, life, duty, and responsibility appear before the vision of man 
individually and collectively, and beckon him to accept the high, new 
ideals, and to come up higher. They are the moments when the 
Infinite says to the individual, the nation, the civilization, the race, 
or the world: "Choose the light or the darkness. Set your face 
firmly toward the morning, or turn to the sepulchres of the past." 
We are to-day in the midst of a climacteric period of world-wide 
extent, for the unrest of the hour is not confined to one nation, race, 
or people, but has spread to all the world which makes any preten- 
sion to civilization. At times like the present there is always much 
disquietude, much suspense, much painful uncertainty, nay, even 
profound agony of soul among the finest and truest natures— those 
who love truth more than dogma; who are far more than echoes of 
echoes; who think, feel, and live, and who are too great to be the 
willing slaves of grovelling desire or unreasoning prejudice and cruel 
dogmatism. 

These awakened ones love the truth and yearn for its possession. 

• " Pilate's Query, " by S. C. Clark. Cloth, pp. 275 ; price, $1.25. Arena Publishing 
Company, Boston, Mass. 

•15 



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316 THE ARENA. 

But amid the babble of voices the truth-seeker is often bewildered 
and confused. He searches here and there; from time to time he 
cries "Eureka!" only to find upon deeper search that the new 
thoughts, though perhaps finer, higher, nobler, and more helpful 
than that which had been his, still fail to meet the larger and higher 
promptings of his soul. Many are the disappointments, many the 
discouragements of these advance couriers of civilization; but the 
disappointments are by no means unmixed evils; nay, to the patient 
investigator they are positive blessings. From every claimant the 
searcher receives a modicum of truth; his mental vision la, moreover, 
widened; his sympathies are also deepened. If he does not become a 
dogmatist and has the wisdom to candidly hearken to each voice 
which claims to be the child of truth, he will move toward the dawn, 
and each experience will be a helpful schooling to him. At the 
present time there are probably more persons asking from the depths 
of their awakened consciousness "What is truth? " than ever before; 
and the truth uppermost in their minds relates to the problem of life 
and the destiny of the soul. To thousands of these inquiring minds 
R. C. Clark's new story, "Pilate's Query," will come as an inspira- 
tion; while to others less profoundly aroused it will prove helpful 
and suggestive— will broaden the vision and make the reader more 
tolerant. 

In this story, Hope Millard, a young lady from the Back-Bay 
district of Boston, weds Reginald Speare, a wealthy lawyer of the 
metropolis. The morning hours of the honeymoon are bright and 
fragrant as a dew-laden dawn in June. Later, however, the spectre 
of inharmony arises. It is the old, old story; the wife is a devoted 
member of an evangelical church, and sincerely believes that unless 
she can win her husband to Christ and gain for him the benefits of 
the atoning blood he will be everlastingly lost She insists upon 
their attending church regularly. At first the husband, who has 
never given religion any serious consideration, cheerfully accom- 
panies his wife to Grace Church each Sunday. At length, however, 
he demurs, but the pain on his wife's face leads him to yield to her 
desire, and, as is their wont, they wend their way to Grace Church. 
On this particular morning, when comfortably seated in his restful 
pew, the husband falls into a musing mood. From contemplation of 
the rich windows and furnishing, his mind reverts to the forms so 
religiously observed and the elaborate ritual, and his thoughts run 
after this manner: 

The Roman Catholic Church, so necessary as yet for the uneducated 
masses whose humble needs demand a human leaderships Man God; 
whose senses must be enthralled and held by the tinsel and glitter of 
visible shrine, by pictured saint, and tangible prayers to be counted 
on the finger-tips— all this can be comprehended and accepted as a 
stepping-stone by which to climb from the plane of sense to the realm 
of soul. But here is a body of worshippers, the creme de la creme 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 317 

of intellect and culture, gathering around the same glittering altar, 
using like symbols, the prayers raised only from the finger-ends to 
the tongue, not yet a spontaneous utterance from each true heart; 
for tv hen the surpliced priest pauses in his Intoned recital, a wave of 
vibratory response sweeps over the people, sounding in its rise and 
fall like the sibilant sigh of a wandering wind, or the echo from some 
unseen shore of the swell of this human tide. 

The hearty amens of the congregation arouse the dreamer, and he 
listens to the sentiments which are eliciting such prompt responses: 

"Good Lord, deliver us from Thy wrath and from everlasting dam- 
nation; neither take Thou vengeance on our sins, and be not angry 
with us forever." 

Anger? vengeance? he thought Is the God of this enlightened 
body of worshippers a petulant child to be propitiated with pleadings 
for better behavior? It is not considered good form for a human 
sinner to let his angry passions rise. Is the God of this people only 
a magnified man, with all finite foibles, spites, and jealousies? 
Reginald was getting interested in religion for the first time in his 
life. He had not quite settled in his own mind the existence and 
nature of Deity, but he was now more open to suggestion than ever 
before. Again he listened. 

"Deliver us from envy, hatred, and malice." A good prayer, 
certainly, he thought; and perhaps this petition is necessary if we are 
made in the image and likeness of the father of such traits as have 
just been imputed to him. 

"We beseech Thee that it may please Thee to preserve all who 
travel by land or water— to preserve from sudden death," etc. Well, 
evidently the "Thy will be done" clause of the Lord's prayer has not 
yet been mastered here. Suggestion to the Almighty replaces perfect 
trust in His all-wise protection; and a speedy call to his benign and 
glorious presence is an evil to be avoided. Does a true child desire 
to postpone a Journey that will lead him to his loving father's 
house? 

That morning the husband found with infinite regret that there 
was a rift in the path they trod. His acute mind, trained to weigh 
evidence and to challenge every claim, rejected the creedallsm, the 
form, and the ritual in which his wife delighted. He could not bring 
his mind to regard the Father of man as an angry judge more irra- 
tional aud inhuman in the treatment of His children than even a 
half-civilized man. He felt that the vicarious atonement was 
immoral, unjust, and pernicious rather than ennobling and helpful. 
He believed that the Judge of all the earth would be infinitely more 
loving and Just than the judges who dispensed justice below, and his 
reason refused to accept the creeds of older and darker days. 

At a reception given by a prominent judge some time after this 
fateful Sunday morning, the husband became Interested in Theos- 
ophy. The alluring, speculative philosophy of the subtle reasoners 
of the Orient proved very fascinating, while the emphasis placed on 
the idea of the brotherhood of man appealed with special force to the 
young man's high sense of justice. His Interest In the ideas of the 
"heathen" appalled his wife, but he pursued his investigations. 



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318 THE ARENA. 

The sudden death of his idolized mother gives a deeply personal 
interest to all subjects relating to another life. His mother was an 
agnostic, and his wife unintentionally widens the breach betweeu 
herself and her husband by intimating that perhaps his mother might 
have repented and called upon the Redeemer before her spirit passed 
out, and thus there was a possibility that she might be saved. From 
the day of his mother's death the young husband pursues his 
search for the truth with the intensity of a soul yearning for that 
knowledge which alone can give him peace. He attends theosophical 
meetings, but in the midnight of his grief he finds the cold philosophy 
of the Buddhists only a little less satisfying to reason and love than 
that of dogmatic orthodoxy. In Unitarianism he is drawn nearer the 
great Father of all, and feels that there is here an element of help 
which supplements the idea of brotherhood so strenuously presented 
by the Theosophists. Yet even here he is unsatisfied. 

A visit to a clairvoyant is most disappointing, and the chapter 
describing this experience is faithful, as all investigators of psychical 
problems who have visited many mediums will attest. I have myself 
frequently met with similar experiences, only to leave the alleged 
medium heartsick and disgusted. Many investigators, after one or 
two such experiences as that of Reginald's, turn from psychical 
investigation with disgust, concluding that all is fraud or auto-hyp 
notism. This, however, is not scientific nor Just, and the course the 
young husband follows is that which truth-seekers should ever 
pursue. A spiritualistic meeting is next described. A clairvoyant 
description of the hero's mother is given, and a visit to another 
medium is rewarded by most interesting and helpful results. In 
this description nothing is given which transcends the experience of 
thousands of patient investigators who during the past few years 
have turned their attention to psychical research. 

Ultimately Reginald becomes an automatic writer, his experiences 
being very similar to those of Mr. W. T. Stead, Mrs. Sarah A. Under- 
wood, and scores of other prominent men and women in the world of 
letters. In this way he receives many messages purporting to come 
from his mother, but one day while engaged in his psychical studies 
' his wife enters upon the scene. Her horror Is only equalled by h*»r 
wrath; a rupture ensues, but of this the world knows nothing, owing 
largely to the fact that on the day of her appalling discovery she is 
called to the sick couch of her sister in Boston, and the husband 
determines to spend a time in Europe. 

It is through Christian Science and mental therapeutics In the cure 
of her sister that the door to a broader conception of life is opened to 
the wife. The chapters describing the transition are interesting and 
suggestive; in them the author Incidentally corrects many popular 
misapprehensions relating to mental science. The points of resem- 
blance and of difference between Theosophy, Spiritualism, and 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 319 

Christian Science are touched upon in a broad, tolerant, and 
philosophical manner. 

The author accentuates the presence of truth in all forms of 
religious belief, and shows how the new ideals, concepts, and revela- 
tions have contributed to broaden the intellectual and spiritual 
horizon of different classes of individuals; each has fulfilled an 
important mission in enlarging the thought and sympathies of 
humanity, and silently but surely replacing the old-time narrowness 
of thought and blind allegiance to dogmatic theology, with an appre- 
ciation of the fact that life rather than belief reveals the stature and 
development of the soul. 

The manifest candor of the author, and the suggestive way in 
which many queries and objections are met, the fair exposition of 
widely different theories, and the emphasis given to the new relig- 
ious ideal, or rather the ideal of the founder of Christianity, which 
has been well-nigh lost in the accretion of dogma, speculative philos- 
ophy, and iron-clad man-made creeds— all assist in giving this work a 
value and charm quite apart from the story, which, indeed, is little 
more than the scaffolding for the presentation of the author's ideal of 
the coming religion. 

Of the World's Parliament of Religions, which was attended by 
the husband and wife, our author speaks as follows: 

That grand convocation of all religions of every race and clime and 
tongue, meeting on common ground to strengthen their mutual love 
of God, and weld anew the spirit of peace and good-will in every 
heart. Each had brought his separate fragment of the gates of 
Paradise which were shattered into atoms when the soul started 
forth on its earthly pilgrimage, hoping to match these segments of 
the eternal beauty into a restoration of those pristine portals of 
Eden. Each had caught one little ray from the white light of truth. 
a varied medley, blue, red, purple, and gold, all to be harmoniously 
resolved in the divine spectrum into a glorious rainbow of hope 
which shall be a messenger to all people. 

Each ear, listening eagerly to the harmony of the spheres, had thus 
far been attuned to but one note in the vast chromatic scale; and 
since no melody can sound through a monotone, each differing note 
desired to find its chord, tone yearned to feel Its kindred tone, that 
through such united modulation a grand diapason could bless the 
world, and the Voice of Wisdom be heard. Humanity mounted to 
this broad platform on stepping-stones built by martyrs of old, by 
prophet, saint, and avatar, whether Socrates, Confucius, Zoroaster, 
Buddha, or the Christ, who all alike had contributed to the possi- 
bility of this glorious fraternity. 

Did the world realize, while it was so near, how grand a thing this 
Parliament was. how deep its significance, how mighty and far- 
reaching its results? How few even yet see that it inaugurated a 
new age, whose dawn already flushes the hill-tops of human 
progress; that here and there, in quiet little corners of our broad 
lnnd, active centers have been formed for work, and the outgoing 
impulse of strong, living thought, whose wavelets circle ever wider 
and wider, till minds that never began to think before, hearts that 



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320 THE ARENA. 

have learned the lesson of love imperfectly, are arousing from their 
lethargy to lift up their drooping souls toward the Light of Truth. 
Aud lirst in knowledge of themselves they see that heirs of God 
cannot be slaves of the dust, that henceforth they must be emanci- 
pated from fleshly conditions, and that the necessity of disease, pain, 
or fatigue will assail them no more forever. Bickerings and strife 
will be slowly replaced by the sweep and sway of a universal love, as 
life and its purpose are better understood— the only life of all that 
lives. 

"Pilate's Query" is a present-day story of souls in search of the 
divine truth. It will be read with profit and delight by thousands of 
inquiring minds during the present transition period. It will give all 
readers something to think about, even though they may not be 
ready to search for themselves as did Reginald Speare. 

B. O. FLOWER. 

THE STANDARD OIL COMPANY AS AN OBJECT LESSON FOR 
THOUGHTFUL AMERICANS.* 

The writer of these lines approaches with grave hesitation the 
writing of a review of so important a book as "Wealth against 
Commonwealth," inasmuch as his object is to aid as much as pos- 
sible the great effect that the book must have upon the future history 
of our country. To give Its general scope in a way to attract 
patriotic people to the many serious charges that it brings against 
the most influential and powerful men of the nation, and at the same 
time suggest in a few words the sharpest of the stings and rebukes 
that it administers to those men, is no easy task. 

The work is simplified by the fact that the volume is really an 
arraignment of the Standard Oil Company and all its confederated 
accomplices of hireling railroads, courts, judges, lawyers, and minor 
tools. To give the heads of the chapters and quote some passages 
from each would present this hideous picture of American political 
nnd judicial depravity in very lurid colors: but some preliminary 
sketch of the plan and general aims of the author seems called for. 

Henry D. Lloyd, a gentleman of brains, culture, leisure, and means, 
awoke some years ago to the fact that of all the smaller groups of 
greedy, evil-minded men who are doing their utmost to rush this 
country upon the rocks that will wreck it, of all the cliques of 
"cliqued wealth" that constitute the plutocratic oligarchy now ruling 
and ruining this fair land, the Standard Oil men, like the Rothschild 
group of Europe, were getting the greatest power and working the 
greatest evil. So, like a true paladin— another Wendell Phillips— he 
set his lance in rest to charge upon this monster; not In the old style 
of St George and the dragon, by one deadly rush, but by a persistent, 
cool, methodic, diligent study of all the ways and habits, tricks and 



" * Wealth against Commonwealth," by Henry D. Lloyd. Harper & Brothers. Cloth, 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 821 

subterfuges, lying pretences, robbing snares, and murderous assaults 
of this most dangerous individual octopus of all the ages. 

This called for many journeys and overhauling of all sorts of 
records, some of them not easily attainable, and much inevitable 
expense. And now we have the fruits of his labors in this substan- 
tial volume, in Harper's best style; a volume which, as truly as Victor 
Hugo's story of Louis Napoleon, might be called "The History of a 
Crime"; for the whole career of the Standard Oil Company is one 
long-drawn-out crime. If the American nation soon perishes, choked 
to death by its own children, high on the list of its murderers will 
stand the names of Rockefeller et ah 

Mr. Lloyd writes as if he had studied law, or at least had 
large acquaintance with our laws. His style is lucid and most force- 
ful; but, except in the closing chapters, only occasionally does he 
display his ability in the way of fine writing. Those chapters 
remind one of Emerson's essays; and frequent quotations from that 
writer show that he has influenced the style of this Chicago patriot. 
Those chapters are crammed full of pithy apothegms, which seem, 
like those of Emerson, to have been jotted down singly, in times of 
deep meditation, and then arranged for the purposes of this book 
into clusters of diamonds. 

The terrible narration of the trial scene at Buffalo, N. Y., where, 
tor once, the Rockefellers and some of their satraps were 

BROUGHT TO CRIMINAL TRIAL 

by the vigorous attack of a sturdy fighter named Matthews— one of 
their innumerable victims— has pictures in it quite suggestive of 
Milton's description of Satan in supreme council with his sub-demons 
in hell. The charge was that these malefactors had plotted the 
blowing up of the Vacuum Oil Works of Buffalo, with certain loss of 
life. The accusation was fully sustained. But the unjust judge let 
the head conspirators go, before the jury trial; and, when condemna- 
tion and punishment were inevitable, let the subordinate rascals off 
with a small fine. 

Chapter xix gives the trial story, which all hinges on the fact 
that an employee of Matthews had been bullied and bribed until 
he consented to "fix" the Vacuum works so that they would explode. 
The explosion did not occur. But the hearing of the plot four years 
later, nerved Matthews for his great fight, six years after the crime. 
The five persons indicted were the two former owners of the 
Vacuum, then the resident managers of it for the combination, and 
the three members of the "oil trust," as the combination then called 
itself, who had bought the Vacuum for it, and had been elected by 
the trustees directors to manage it for them, and had so managed it, 
even to the most picayune details. The case caught the ears of the 
world, not because crime was charged against men who had dazzled 
even the gold-filmed eyes of tbeir epoch by the meteor-like flash of 



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822 THE ABENA. 

their flight from poverty into a larger share of ••property"— the 
property of others— than any other group of millionaires had assimi- 
lated in an equal period— not for that, but because the charges of 
crime against these quickest-richest men were to be brought to trial. 

Members of the combination had been often accused; they had 
been indicted. This was the first time, as District Attorney Quimby 
said in his speech to the jury, that they had found a citizen honest 
enough and brave enough to stand up against them— the only one. 
••There is no man," he said, "so respected to-day In Buffalo as he, for 
the method he has used to bring these men to justice." He suc- 
ceeded in doing alone what the united producers of the oil regions 
failed to do, although their resources were infinitely greater. The 
people of the entire oil country failed utterly to do so much as get 
the members of the oil combination, when Indicted for conspiracy 
In 1879, to come into court to be tried. All its principal men were 
indicted— the president, the vice-president, the secretary, the cashier, 
and others. They could not even be got to give bail. It was different 
now. That the trust was thoroughly alarmed and saw the necessity 
of rallying all its resources to save itself, was apparent from the 
formidable display with which it appeared in the courtroom. 
Present with the five defendants, as if also on trial— a solid phalanx 
—were its president, the vice-president, the manager of its pipe line 
system, the principal representatives of the trust in Buffalo, and 
many others. Their regular attorney of New York was present, 
with two of the leading lawyers of Buffalo. Besides these, there was 
a distinguished man from Rochester, reported the ablest lawyer in 
western New York, whose voice is often heard in the supreme court 
at Washington. He had two Important members of the Rochester 
bar as assistants— one of them, in the summing up by the district 
attorney, was unmercifully scored for fixing witnesses— and, not 
least, a well-known United States district attorney, who made the 
convention speeches' by which Cleveland was nominated for sheriff, 
mayor, governor, and president. The jury could plainly see that 
Matthews did not get the indictment to sell out, otherwise he would 
have sold it out and not have) insisted upon a trial. An emissary, try- 
ing to get Matthews to call off the district attorney and to hush up 
this criminal prosecution, said the oil trust could "give him anything, 
even to being governor of a Western territory." "You will havo a 
chance," said Matthews to the district attorney, "to line the street 
from your house to the city hall with gold bricks." But this public 
prosecutor had no price. He grasped the full scope of this extraor- 
dinary case, which Involved a crime not only against persons and 
against the people, but against that true commerce of reciprocal and 
equal service on which alone the new civilization of humanity can 
rest. 

The district attorney put the president of the company on 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 323 

the stand. He was mostly non-committal and evasive'— a know- 
nothing. Bat what .he admitted made him the chief assassin in 
this murderous plot. He was a large participator in the profits of 
the Vacuum company, because he was chief owner in the trust which 
possessed three-quarters of it \ 

"The body-guard of lawyers surrounding the great men who made 
the courtroom a veritable curiosity shop for the people of Buffalo, 
(Md a deal of acting throughout the trial, to impress on the jury that 
the whole proceeding was a farce. They laughed and yawned and 
pooh-poohed and sneered at the district attorney's questions and 
points, and went through all kinds of dumb-shows of indignation and 
e/intti, that their clients should be so needlessly called on to waste 
priceless time. But this could not prevent their faces from lengthen- 
ing as the story was told by witness after witness, as more than one 
observant reporter saw and noted. When the evidence was all in, 
and District Attorney Qulmby had closed his case, the situation was 
desperate. There was no doubt about that." 

But the unjust judge, who desired to "make friends of the 
mammon of unrighteousness," here came to the rescue, and John D. 
Rockefeller et al were saved from the penitentiary. When one of the 
big lawyers moved the discharge of the three members of the trust, 
the judge, in the face of the evidence, the law, and the protest of the 
prosecution, after some quibbling, granted the motion. So the 
judge and not the jury rendered the verdict as to the three chief 
offenders. 

"There was silence in the courtroom for a moment. Then: 'Gentle- 
men of the jury, hearken to your verdict as advised by the court,' 
came in sonorous tones from the clerk: 'You find the defendants'— 
naming the three members of the oil trust at the bar— 'not guilty of 
the crime, as charged in the indictment, so say you all/ " 

The Jury looked scared at being addressed so peremptorily, but 
said nothing. Not one of them had the pluck to get up and protest, 
and risk the result of showing that "contempt of court" which they 
all felt. 

A lurid glimpse of the style of warfare of these Christian gentle- 
men is given at page 291: 

"The Erie railroad killed the pipe line of the Atlas Company for 
the oil combination, as part of its fight against Matthews. The 
court had been kept busy granting injunctions against it on the 
motion of the Erie. These were invariably dissolved by the courts, 
but an application for a new one would always follow. At one time 
the lawyers had fifteen injunctions all ready in their hands to be sued 
out, one after the other, as fast as needed. The pipe line was finally 
destroyed by force. Where it crossed under the Erie road in the bed 
of a stream grappling irons were fastened to it, and with an immense 
hawser a locomotive, guarded by two freight cars full of men, pulled 
it to pieces. Then the Atlas line and refinery became the 'property' 
of their enemy. 

"Matthews had tried to make money in oil and failed; but his 
competition had forced those in control of the markets to increase 



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324 THE ARENA. 

the price to the producer, and he made light cheaper to the com- 
munity. In Buffalo his enterprise had caused the price to drop to 
six cents from twelve and eighteen cents; in Boston to eight cents 
from twenty. Oil has never been so high in Boston and Buffalo as 
before he challenged the monopoly. And he forced the struggle into 
the view of the public, and succeeded in putting on record, in the 
archives of the courts and legislatures and congress, a picture of the 
realities of modern commerce certain to exercise a profound 
influence in ripening the reform thought with which our air is 
charged into reform action." 

P. 13. He exposes the coal monopoly: 

"The startling fact appears in the litigations before the Interstate 
Commerce Commission, and the investigations by congress, that 
anthracite freight rates have been advanced instead of being 
decreased, are higher now than they were in 1879; and that coal is 
made, by these confederated railroads, to pay rates vastly higher 
than the average of all other high- and low-class freight; nearly 
double the rate on wheat and cotton. These high freight rates serve 
the double purpose of seeming to justify the high price of coal, and 
of killing off, year by year, the independent coal-producers. What 
the railroad coal-miner pays for freight returns to his other self, the 
railroad. What the independent coal-producer pays, goes also to 
the railroad, his competitor." 

P. 19. Under head of "Uncommon Carrier": 

"The Interstate Commerce law provides for the imprisonment in 
the penitentiary of those guilty of the crimes it covers. But the only 
conviction had under it has been of a shipper for discriminating 
against a railroad." 

The first innocent name of the Standard Oil Company was South 
Improvement Company. A hushed-up investigation In 1872 showed 
that the high contracting parties of the swindle were: on the one 
side, all the oil-carrying railroads; on the other, a body of thirteen 
men, not one of whom lived in the oil regions or was an owner of oil 
wells or oil lands, organized under the above winning title. 

P. 46. "By this contract the railroads had agreed with this 
company of citizens as follows: 1. To double freight rates. 2. Not to 
charge them the increase. 3. To give them the Increase collected 
from all competitors. 4. To make any other changes of rates neces- 
sary to guarantee their success in business. 5. To destroy their 
competitors by high freight rates. 6. To spy out the details of their 
competitors* business." 

Along in 1876 the band claimed to be "reconcilers." They then 
made their first big rake. P. 67: 

"By reducing the volume of business one-half by increasing the 
profit from thirty-four cents a barrel to $2.05 the reconcilers 
pocketed $315,345.58 in four years, on an investment of $10,000, with 
no work. . . . When its secretary was before congress, he was asked 
about the operations of himself and his associates in these years. 
1876, 1877, of wonderful profits. He had been participating during 
that time in not only this profit of $2.05 a barrel, but in divided 
profits rising to $3,000,000 in a year on $3,000,000 of capital, and in 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 325 

undivided profits which rolled up $3,500,000 of capital Into $70,000,000 
in five years. But he said: 

•• The business during those years was so very close as to leave 
scarcely any margin of profit, under the most advantageous 
circumstances!' " 

A curious trick of the oil trust is to bribe officials to betray their 
companies into great losses. 

P. 95. The third vice president of the Pennsylvania railroad 
testified that the management of his road had violated the constitu- 
tion of Pennsylvania and the common law, and had taken many 
millions of dollars from the people and from the road, and secretly, 
and for no consideration, had given them to strangers. 

P. 97. The only canal that connected the oil regions with the Erie 
Canal route to the sea was dried up by a war of railroad freights, 
and the canal was turned into a way for a railroad, by a special act 
of the New York legislature. The railroad so built has ever since 
been managed as one of the most diligent promoters of excluding the 
common people from the oil business. 

P. 98. In 1893 we find the trust, 

"in a new suit op clothes 
and with no name," in the excluding possession of all the great trunk 
lines out of the oil country and all their connections, east and west} 
and their franchise reaches from ocean to ocean and from gulf to 
gulf. 

P. 111. The Tidewater Pipe Line, gotten up by the kickers, was, 
as the Philadelphia Press said in 1883, # the child of war. It had 
been a barrier between the producers and the monopoly, which 
would crush them if it dared." One day its capacity suddenly fell 
one-half. The cause was discovered in a square plug of wood driven 
into the pipe, apparently by the servants of the Christian gentlemen 
who control "the light of the world." But the Tidewater people 
were nearly worn out The tactics of corrupting their officers, 
slandering their credit, buying up their customers, stealing their 
elections, garrotlng them with lawsuits founded on falsehoods, 
shutting them off the railroad, and plugging up their pipe in the dark 
were too much. They entered a pool with the octopus. 

P. 116. "While the members of the oil trust were building pipe 
lines to take away the oil business of the railroads, the officials of 
the latter were giving them, by rebates, the money to do it with." 

P. 133. "The Pennsylvania railroad method of running the 
supreme court of Pennsylvania, as If it were one of its limited 
trains, was now applied with equal confidence, to the Interstate 
Commerce Commission. It insisted that it was itself, not the com- 
mission, which was the judge of what the latter meant by Its own 
decisions. To the almost weeping expostulations of the commission, 
in interviews and letters, to show that it had said nothing which 
could justify the action of the roads, the officials made not the 
slightest concessions. 'That was their [the commissioners'] view of 



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326 THE ABENA. 

the case, but it was not shared by us/ said the president of the 
Pennsylvania railroad. 'It is considered best to continue the 
practice/ he said. . . . These officials were the loyal subjects of a 
higher power than that of the United States, higher even than that 
of their railway corporations. They serve the greatest sovereign of 
the modern world— the concentrated wealth, in whose court the 
presidents of railways and republics, kings, parliaments, and 
congresses are but lords in waiting/* 

Chapter xi gives "The Song of the Barrel"— the history of the 
struggle of the small refiners to use barrels when they were cut off 
from pipe-lines and tank cars by the unscrupulous, untiring monster. 
Here again the feeble Interstate Commission proved powerless. 

Under the head of "Unfinished March to the Sea," another story 
of another as yet abortive attempt at an independent pipe-line is 
given. P. 160, we read: 

"Leaving their cause on the floor of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, these men went forth for the seventy and seventh time 
to build a pipe-line of their own, on which they are now busy. . . . 
Their efforts have been as heroic and noble and self-sacrificing as 
the uprising of a nation for independence. Of all this very little is 
known outside the oil regions, for the reason that the newspapers 
there are mostly owned or controlled by the oil combination or fear 
its power. The last independent daily In northwestern Pennsyl- 
vania became neutral when the threat was made to put a rival in 
the field. Met at every turn by crushing opposition and annoyances 
great and little from spies and condottieri, these men are, in 1894, 
working quietly and manfully to cut their way through to a free 
market and a right to live. Their new pipe-line has been met with 
the same unrelenting open and covert warfare that made every 
previous march to the sea so weary. The railroads, the members of 
the oil combination, and every private interest these could influence, 
have been united against them. As all through the history of the 
independent pipe-lines, the officials of the railroads have exhausted 
the possibilities of opposition. At Wilkesbarre, where a great net- 
work of tracks had to be got under, all the roads united to send 
seven lawyers into court to fight for injunctions against the single- 
handed counsel for the producers. They pleaded against the 
technicalities which had been invoked afresh at every crossing, 
although always brushed away by the judges, as they were here 
again. Though they have allowed their right of way to be used 
without charge, for pipe lines which were to compete with them, the 
railroads refused to allow the independents to make a crossing, even 
though they had the legal right to cross. Not content with the 
champerty of collusive injunctions, they have resorted to physical 
force, and the pipe-layers of . the independents have been 
confronted by hundreds of armed railroad employees. When they 
have dug trenches the railroad men have filled them up as fast. 
Appeal to the courts has always given the right of way to the 
independents, but the tactics against them are renewed at every 
crossing." 

Chapters xviii to xxi inclusive are taken up with the story of 
Matthews at Buffalo, already given. Chapter xxii gives a picture 
of the fight in the South, especially in Columbus, Miss. "The South 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 327 

is not yet so steeped as the North in the commercialism to which It 
is all of life to buy and sell." Here was a case where the merchants 
and consumers of a town and district resolved that they would not 
buy Standard oil, and stuck to it till they won the victory, and the 
trust abandoned that field. 

" Public attention was fascinated by the revelation that a brother- 
hood to ravage the people turned impotent when the people were 
roused to meet it with 

THEIB BROTHERHOOD OF THE COMMONWEALTH! 

. . . The success of the people of Columbus was teaching the peo- 
ple of the whole country and of all markets, that their real enemy 
was not the oil trust, but the lack of trust in each other. . . . The 
struggle at Columbus lasted three years. . . . The community never 
broke ranks. They laughed when they were tempted with cheap 
coffee, flour, sugar, to join in the attempt to bankrupt their home 
merchants. They could see that the gift of forced cheapness, used 
to destroy natural cheapness, was a Trojan horse, bearing within 
itself the deadliest form of dearness. Defeated, the oil lords gave up 
the contest, closed their store in Columbus, and left the people of 
that place free." 

After this short episode we come to a long story, beginning p. 305, 
of the equally successful fight of Toledo, O., against the trust, when 
it attempted to control the gas as well as oil wells of that region. 

Chapter xxvi, headed 

"TOLEDO VICTOR," 

brings us again to the Toledo fight The pipes were laid by the city 
in spite of the ravings and tricks of the pious hellions of the trust 
The combine dug wells all around the Toledo district and tried to 
take the fort by "sapping and mining"— drawing off its gas; even put 
In gas pumps. Toledo, like Moses in Egypt, had to imitate the 
strategy of the "magicians" by putting In pumps, though litigation 
was ever flapping about its ears. One of the employees of the trust 
said to a reporter: "If we could not prevent the city from putting In 
a pumping plant we would blow it up with dynamite." Lloyd says: 
"Any faithful employee familiar with the blowing up of the derricks 
In the shutdown of 1887, the explosion in the Independent refinery at 
Buffalo, and the 'chemical war* waged by the whisky trust against 
the 'outsiders' in Chicago, might also be pardoned for thinking 
this was 'only good reasonable talk.' The oil monopoly (* evangelical 
at one end and explosive at the other, and it has made both ends meet! " 

Chapter xxvii shows how the dragon began to reach out over the 
sea to the old world. In 1891 there was a hurrah about American 
shipping, and a postal subsidy bill was passed. Here came the 
chance for tank steamers. It is absolutely paralyzing to read the 
particulars of that process by which the oil trust got its tank 
steamers and all their adjuncts In full swing. The postal subsidy 
was for capitalists who were to carry the mails In American vessels, 
manned by Americans. The oil trust was back of this trick, and the 



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328 THE ARENA. 

Inman line was Its pou sto. The job was chock-fall of little jobs. 
The congress bill was so fixed that only the Inman line could fill the 
bill and get the subsidy. The papers were finely worked. "The 
dear old flag ! " 

"OLD GLORY OK THE SEAS!" 

they cried in chorus. Then the ships could all be men-of-war. The 
secretary of the navy wrote to the chairman of the senate committee 
on commerce In this case, "A fleet of such cruisers would sweep an 
enemy's commerce from the ocean." "All through the press, from 
New York to Texas and the Pacific coast, every possible change of 
phrase is rung to fire the American heart with 'jingo* exhortations to 
subsidize private steamers, so as to Increase our fighting kenneL" 

The fine oceanic work of the oil trust up to date [the trust is 
always up to date] "is an entering wedge, the broad end of which 
may easily grow to be a monopoly of the transatlantic— and why not 
transpacific?— traffic and travel. And In future legislation, tariffs, 
and contracts, what bulwark of the people would avail against the 
Washington lobby of these combined syndicates of oil, natural gas, 
Illuminating gas, coal, lead, linseed -oil, railroads, street railroads, 
banks, ocean and lake steamships and whalebacks, iron and copper 
mines, steel mills, etc.? These beggars on horseback— the poor we 
will always have with us as long as we give such alms— are forever 
at the elbows of the secretaries, representatives, senators. The 
people who pay are at work in their fields, out of sight, scattered 
over thousands of miles." 

An item of associated-press news In December, 1892, says that the 
secretary of the treasury has just decided that the oil combination 
shall be paid by the treasury a drawback of the duties It has paid on 
imported steel hoops for barrels in which it exports oil. "It isn't 
pleasant," said the New York World editorially Feb. 23, 1891, "to 
have a secretary of the treasury who holds intimate relations with 
the oil trust" It is through this secretary that the company receives 
the mail subsidies of millions a year. All the statistics and official 
publications with regard to the "decline of American shipping," and 
"foreign competition with American oil," and about the tariff, as on 
oil, coal, steel, tin, etc., and, many other financial and commercial 
matters of pecuniary concern to them, are under the charge of this 
secretary. 

But the trust soon had the secretary of the navy right from their 
central ring— 

"all in the family." 

"When Senator Hoar, speaking of the oil trust in the debate on the 
Payne case, asked sharply, 'Is it represented in the cabinet at this 
moment?' he referred to the secretary of the navy. Subsidy had not 
then insinuated itself into the policy of the government: but when 
that came, the uses of a secretary of the navy were clear enough. It 
was by the influence of the secretary of the navy that the subsidies 
for these steamships of the oil trust were got through congress." 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 329 

A specimen of his fine work was seen in an appropriation of a 
million dollars for nickel for armor plates. Where was it got? 
From a mine owned by the trust at Sudbury, Canada. Further In 
the same interest the duty on nickel was taken off. This is said to 
have immediately netted the dragon $1,500,000, for 5,000 tons had 
been kept off the market till the duty was removed. 

Chapter xxx is on the price of oiL P. 426 shows the method of 
killing competitors: 

"Look at this map. We have the country divided into districts. If 
you insist on war, we will cut the prices in your territory to any 
necessary extent to destroy you, but we lose nothing. We simply 
make a corresponding advance in some other territory. You lose 
everything. We cannot by any possibility lose anything." 

The headings of Chapter xxxi are "All the World Under One 
Hat," "This Business Belongs to Us." P. 433. **Trifles make perfec- 
tion, and perfection is no trifle." For the perfection of this triumph 
no trifle has been disdained, from the well in the mountain to the 
peddler's cart in the city. The bargemen of the Allegheny, the 
coasters of the sea shore, and the stern-wheelers of the Western 
rivers all had to go one way. "We drove out the shipments in the 
schooners from Baltimore and Washington, and we stopped almost 
the shipments by river down the Mississippi by boat," said one of the 
successful men. 

Like all such Jews, at first they owned no wells. Now they are 
getting them all. "We are pushing Into every part of the world, and 
have been doing so," the president told the New York legislature in 
1888. Their tank steamers go to 

ALL THE PORTS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 

and their tank wagons are as familiarly seen in the cities of Great 
Britain and the Continent as in those of America. 

But the "triumph" continues. Let the world be warned that a 
while ago a Jew named Rockefeller cornered all the wheat of Odessa, 
Russia. Italy and France are under the trust yoke. Netherlands, 
East India, Sumatra, Peru, are in It. The Rothschilds and the Rocke- 
fellers are now combining to bring Russian and American oil under 
one head. When Jew meets Jew! "There is one thing more cruel 
than Russian despotism— American 'private enterprise.' " 

SAMUEL LEAVITT. 

LIFE'S STORY AS TOLD BY THE HAND.* 
Four centuries before our era the Pythagorean philosophers had 
favored the theory that the sun was the centre of our system, and 



• ** Cheiro's Language of the Hand," a complete practical work on the sciences of 
Cheirognomy and Cheiromancy, containing the system, rules, and experience of 
Chetro? the Palmist, with thirty-three full-page illustrations and two hundred engrav- 
ings of lines, mounts, and marks, and reproductions of famous hands. Price $2; for 
safe by the Transatlantic Publishing Company. May be ordered through the Arena 
Publishing Company, Boston, Mass. 



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880 THE ARENA. 

Phllolaus had maintained that the earth rotated on Its axis In addi- 
tion to Its motion around the sun. Other luminous hints had been 
dropped, well calculated to furnish clues to other daring thinkers, 
which undoubtedly would have led to discoveries and demonstrations 
of Inestimable value to the race, serving to broaden the mental 
vision and enlarge man's conceptions of the universe, while revolu- 
tionizing the world-beliefs In regard to the shape and character of 
the earth. But unfortunately for progress, while seed-truths once 
dropped will germinate and fructify to the blessing of humanity, If 
undisturbed, they nevertheless may be prevented from germinating 
for ages, through man's ignorance and prejudice. And so it was In 
regard to these prophetic astronomical hints, which, had they 
received hospitable treatment would doubtless have proved as sug- 
gestive to astronomers as the hints dropped by Buffon, St Hilalre, 
Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, which led Charles Darwin, Herbert 
Spencer, Alfred Russel Wallace and their colaborers along the 
highway of physical science into the light of evolution. 

Unhappily for progress the centuries which followed the rise of 
Christianity were especially unfortunate for science and philosophy 
of pagan origin, for Christianity, with her definite and positive 
beliefs, when she became powerful, measured all alien theories by 
the letter of the scriptures; hence, beliefs which did not clearly agree 
with the Bible or with the Christian's conceptions of what the Bible 
meant were tabooed. Especially was this the case in matters 
relating to the creation and the destiny of man. The church found In 
her scriptures that Jesus spoke of the sun rising and setting, and 
that Joshua made the sun and moon "stand still" that he might 
complete a wholesale slaughter of his fellow-men. Such passages 
were accounted proof positive that any theory of the heavens such as 
Pythagoras had hinted at must be false, from the devil, and there- 
fore something to be crushed out without being accorded a serious 
investigation. And because of this blind fanaticism, this ignorant 
superstition in regard to a book, the march of mind was halted, and 
humanity had to await the next great protest of the human brain 
before this truth could receive a hearing. At length the hour 
arrived— the dawn of an era of unrest, discontent, intellectual 
activity, and mental revolt came, and genius leaped into the sun- 
light. The Renaissance had come, and Copernicus, as he drew his 
dying breath, published to the world his revolutionary theory. 

Many other beliefs, truths, and half-truths, which had come to 
man from the masterful brains of Grecian scholarship, or were the 
children of still older civilizations, and had been adopted by the 
intellectually hospitable Greeks, were also cheerfully dismissed as 
children of the devil. Thus investigations were forbidden, and rigid 
laws were enacted which prescribed cruel punishments for those 
who believed or taught that which men who were jealous of the 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 831 

power they held through the terror of religion, feared might weaken 

their influence. Among the beliefs which were cherished by many 

of the greatest minds of Greece, and the civilizations which had 

flourished before Athens, Thebes, or Sparta were born, but which 

during the Dark Ages were outlawed, was palmistry, or the language 

of the hand. When the Middle Ages went out in the dawn of modern 

times, amid the general intellectual awakening which marked the 

brief breathing-spell and time of mental growth before the fires of 

persecution were relighted, several attempts were made to revive 

this study, and some able works were published, one in 1475 and 

another in 1490, dealing with this subject. There can be little doubt 

that the interest in palmistry would have grown at this time, had 

it not been for the terrible reaction which defeated in so great a 

degree the splendid promise of the century which followed the fall 

of Constantinople. As it was, the dawn of intellectual freedom went 

out in the most bloody night of savagery and persecution the world 

has ever seen, and the investigation of this interesting subject was 

doomed to wait until another age of intellectual freedom, of unrest, 

and of interrogation. 

With the rise of the theory of evolution, the discoveries of the 
numerous errors in the texts of the various Bible manuscripts, the 
recent noteworthy revelations in archaeology, the growth of knowl- 
edge of the Eastern philosophies, and the march of mind rendered 
possible by modern critical methods, by the progress of science and 
invention, we have come again to a time when it has been found 
necessary to readjust our vision so that we may appreciate the 
broader view which opens before us and intelligently weigh afresh 
theories long accepted as incontestably true. Again the interrogation 
point is raised, again the past and present are being challenged, and 
again the human mind is reaching outward toward the future even 
while she sits In judgment on the past. And with this awakening 
comes once more the ancient and once highly esteemed science of the 
hand, and demands that it be accorded a hearing, and that the rigid 
methods of modern science be applied to it, that it be adjudged 
worthy to be placed among the exact sciences, or that its claim may 
be condemned by those who have sufficiently studied the subject to 
entitle them to judge competently. 

II. 

I have before me a work by the gentleman who is known through- 
out the civilized world under the pseudonym of Chelro. He is a 
man of scholarship, and is probably the leading palmist living. But 
before noticing this work, perhaps it will be Interesting to the reader 
to know my experience with him. I have seen him upon two occa- 
sions, once when he read the hand of a niece of mine, and once when 
he gave me a reading. On each occasion the reading was remarkably 



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332 THE ARENA. 

accurate. In regard to my own case, after ruling out of court all 
things stated which my life and writings might have suggested, I 
found his observations about my early life and his Indication of 
crucial moments in life, together with numerous facts which were 
necessarily beyond his knowledge, given with startling directness 
and accuracy, while in every instance he had an explanatory reason 
for his observations. This was more than interesting, for it hinted 
at the possible presence of a truth which, if indeed it be a truth, 
might prove of measureless value to the race. In the case of my 
niece the reading was exceedingly interesting and wonderfully 
accurate. As though the life was spread before him, he proceeded to 
give her mental characteristics, her peculiarities, and the vulnerable 
points in her constitution ?t or example, he said: "her throat is weak; . 
she will suffer considerably from sore throat and irritation of the 
bronchial organs. She also will be very subject to headache, 
especially frontal headaches." Now, as a matter of fact, she has for 
years been troubled with weak throat and bronchial trouble and also 
with frontal headaches, although she is the picture of robust health. 
In every instance be gave a reason for bis observations. Of her 
future, its dangers and promises, of course I cannot speak, but of 
her past his delineation was notably accurate. 

III. 
I now come to consider Cheiro's work, "The Language of the 
Hand." In a well considered and delightfully written defence of 
chelrognomy and cheiromancy, which prefaces his scientific exposi- 
tion of this subject, the author points out the fact that these studies 
were regarded as important sciences at a time when more than 
during any other age the study of man teas made the central study of life. 
Passing over the civilizations of India and Egypt, which held the 
sister sciences of cheirognomy and cheiromancy in high esteem, we 
come to Greece, and pausing In the golden age of that wonderful 
people, when science, art, philosophy, and literature burst into the 
glory of full bloom, we find these sciences sanctioned and upheld by 
the noblest minds of this luminous era— such thinkers, for example, 
as Aristotle, Anaxagoras (who taught and practised cheirognomy 
428 before Christ), and Hispanus, who sent a work on cheirognomy 
as a present to Alexander the Great, designating it as "a study 
worthy the attention of an elevated mind." The important point to 
remember Is that the sciences under consideration flourished most 
vigorously in the summertide of the most brilliant of ancient civiliza- 
tions—the age of philosophy and art, the era that produced 
Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle in philosophy, Pheidias in sculpture, 
;Eschylus (the Shakspere of the Greeks), Herodotus the father of 
history, and Hippocrates the father of medicine; the age when the 
Western mind was given to the study of man as it has never studied 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 333 

him since. Hence, when considering palmistry is it not reasonable 
to ask that the intellectual opinion of that age on the subject be 
accorded the same respect and consideration which is everywhere 
given to the more abstract philosophical deductions of the same 
period? 

Another thing should be borne in mind, and that Is that these 
studies did not fall into disfavor because of the growth of knowledge 
or the spread of scientific information, but through the arrogant and 
unreasoning presumptions of dogmatic theology. "The history of 
any dominant religion is the history of opposition to knowledge 
unless that knowledge proceeds from its teachings.'* And it was the 
same spirit of blind religious intolerance which exiled science, and 
made philosophy and progress outcasts during the Dark Ages, 
which placed the science which revealed life's story on the parch- 
ment of the hand under the ban, declaring that its truths were from 
the devil. In this connection it is well to remember that precisely 
the same charge has been iterated and reiterated during the last 
fifty years against the evolutionary theory. It was found by scien- 
tists that the rocks had preserved a marvellous record of life's 
ascent, that the Creator had carefully preserved a record of the 
changes and epochal periods of the world and the slow ascent of life, 
Just as the palmist claims that the same Supreme Intelligence indi- 
cates on the hands the story of life and throws out danger-signals 
and warnings which knowledge may enable man to avoid. As with 
palmistry at an earlier age, so with the story of creation, as told by 
geology in our time, narrow-visioned minds among the more dog- 
matic theologians raised a panicky cry in lieu of reason, a cry not 
unlike the old slogan of the Pagan Greeks when Christianity 
knocked at the door of Ephesus only to be met with the clamor, 
"Great is Diana of the Ephesians. ,, The faithful followers were 
told that God never Intended to reveal the mysterious facts of nature 
or life. It never occurred to these little minds, who feared the light 
of a broader truth, that It was rather presumptuous for any infini- 
tesimal brain to essay to speak for the Supreme Creative Intelli- 
gence; but so it has ever been. In speaking of the right of the 
church to attack palmistry, Cheiro well remarks: 

"Let us examine for a moment the right of the church to attack it 
Alas! his majesty Satan has still the reputation of being behind 
every person who dares to advance any science or thought that may 
not be in accordance with the interpretation of the church's idea of 
righj and wrong; but the church is not consistent; Its foundation is 
the Bible, and from the first of Genesis to the end of Revelation the 
Bible is a book of fate. . . . *That the Scriptures might be fulfilled/ 
—over fourteen times in the Gospels do we find these mysterious 
words. In almost every portion of the Bible we find the spirit of 
prophecy encouraged. We find 'schools of the prophets' established 
for such a purpose, and indications that divinations were held In 
high repute by God's chosen people. Among the Hebrews, as among 



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884 THE ARENA. 

the Hindus, Egyptians, Chaldeans, and all nations who encouraged 
the spirit of prophecy, the prophets were a separate and distinct 
class from the priesthood. Among the Jews the prophets often acted 
in direct opposition to the priesthood, denouncing in the strongest 
language the abominations and corruptions that they practised." 

Many physicians condemned palmistry, as a few years ago they 
condemned hypnotism, as absurd and Impossible, and it is of com- 
paratively recent date and only as yet among leading physicians of 
such great centres of learning as Paris and London that due atten- 
tion Is being given to the marvellous manner in which certain 
diseases may be recognized or prognosticated by the hands, and 
especially by the shape and appearance of the nails of the fingers. 

The intimate relation between the brain and the band has been dis- 
cussed by many of the greatest savants of all ages. Aristotle declares 
that "The hand is the organ of organs— the active agent of the passive 
powers of the entire system." Sir Charles Bell observes: "We ought 
to define the band as belonging exclusively to man, corresponding in 
Its sensibilities and motives to the endowment of his mind." 

"The hand," observes Cheiro, "is in direct communication with 
every portion of the brain. It tells not only the qualities active but 
those which will be developed." To those who with the egotism of 
Ignorance assert that the lines on the hands are produced by work, 
our author observes: "At birth the hands are deeply marked. Work 
covers the hand with a coarse layer of skin, and so hides instead of 
exposes the lines; but if the hand is softened by poulticing or other 
means, the entire multitude of marks will be shown at any time 
from the cradle to the grave." Again it is well to remember that 
"The marking of no two hands has ever been found alike." The 
author also shows that the lines of the hand are not produced by 
folding; after which he discusses in a very suggestive manner the 
theories naturally suggested by this science in regard to man as a 
child of destiny or as a free agent On this point he observes: 

"Man appears responsive to the dual laws of destiny and free will. 
Man has free will, I argue, but with limitations, as there are limita- 
tions to all other things in life— to one's strength, to one's height, to 
one's age, and so forth. Free will is the oscillation of the cylinder, 
which very oscillation drives the eternal machinery of evolution. 
Looking over the pages of the Bible, we find destiny absolute, the 
purpose of God appearing in all things. Looking back over the 
history of the world, the fate of nations stands out in grand relief 
upon the sombre background of the past. Man becomes a servant of 
destiny. The rulers of Rome, the Grecians of Athens, the Pharaohs 
of the Nile, all have served their purpose and are gone. We behold 
in all the slow but steady stride of evolution bearing us higher, 
bearing us to perfection. Let us look back— the lessons of the past 
may be the teachers of the future. We behold an age when freedom 
of thought lay dying beneath the dogma of a church; we behold a 
bondage great as when a Rama rose in Hindustan, a Moses in 
Egypt, or a Christ in Jerusalem; a million things lead to the one 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 885 

crisis— again history Is repeated, again a man is forced to the front 
Was there anything in the appearance of that insignificant monk 
Luther, that he should he called upon to take such a responsibility 
upon his shoulders? Ah! he was not called upon by man; destiny 
was again absolute; nature was one-sided, the balance had to be 
restored. God—Nature— Fate— we will not quarrel about a name- 
working through the medium of hereditary laws, so fashioned a 
man that, standing in the niche of necessity, he was the lever upon 
which the fate of thousands depended. The same in the case of 
Napoleon, the same in the boy George Washington; and as in the 
greater so in the smaller; from creed to creed, from class to class, 
from the president to the preacher, from the banker to the gamin, 
all fulfil their purpose, each star within its sphere, each person, each 
position— all are chords and discords, notes and harmonies, in the 
song of life, and as in the ultimate millennium of perfection will that 
perfection be eternal, so shall all share the perfection of that grand 
harmony of which even now we form the notes, the semi-notes, and 
the discords. 

•'It will thus be seen that instead of this doctrine becoming a 
dangerous one it becomes the reverse. It forces men and women to 
realize the responsibility of life: it teaches them to feel for others, 
and not to be careful alone for the salvation of self. This creed I 
hold would suit all classes of the community, would raise men by its 
unselfishness, would redeem them by its personal claim, would 
broaden men's views, that where now they see but dogma they 
would see truth; would teach that we, the children of humanity, 
being brothers and sisters, should serve one another, to the ultimate 
perfection of the race, to the benefit of ail life, and to the advance- 
ment of those who are yet to come. 

"This doctrine of fate does not retard men from work, it advances 
them on the plane of work. It does not hold out a reward for work 
done, which, after all, is but the wage of the hireling; it gives the 
higher satisfaction of doing one's best, that others may be better— no 
more. It teaches patience in trial, resignation in affliction, humble- 
ness in success, and virtue in whatever position in life 'it has pleased 
God (or fate) to call us.' " 

IV. 

The body of the work contains a lucid explanation of palmistry, 
and it is evidently the* object of the writer to teach the reader. There 
Is no attempt to cover up anything, no desire to mystify; one is 
Impressed with the belief that the author thoroughly understands 
his subject and desires to make the reader acquainted with every 
fact and detail necessary to success if he should desire to master the 
science. 

"Palmistry," we are told, "should really mean the study of the 
band In its entirety. It is, however, divided into two sections: the 
twin sciences of cheirognomy and cheiromancy. The first deals with 
the shape of the hands and fingers, and relates to the hereditary 
Influence of character and disposition; the second to the lines and 
markings of the palm, to the events of past, present, and future." 
The general discussion of the hands is then given. I will only quote 
a few distinguishing peculiarities of the different types. The reader 
must also remember that many hands partake of two or three of the 



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836 THE ARENA. 

distinctive types, and that comparatively few of some types, like the 
psychic's for example, are found in their purity. There are seven 
types of hands: 

(1> The Elementary, or lowest type, the palm of which is thick and 
coarse, the fingers short and clumsy, and there are very few lines 
seen in the palm. 'These are people without aspirations; they but 
eat, drink, sleep, and die." (2) The Square, or useful hand. People 
with this hand are orderly, punctual; they respect law and authority, 
love order, are slaves of custom, determined, but prefer peace to war. 
Endowed with great perseverance, they win success in practical 
things; are not enthusiastic over poetry or art. They have little 
originality or imagination, but love the exact sciences. They love 
home, but are not demonstrative in affection. Sincere and true, 
strong in principle and honest in business; they are inclined to 
disbelieve that which they do not understand. (3) The Spatulate, or 
nervous active band, is hard and firm, indicates a restless, excitable 
nature, full of energy of purpose and enthusiasm; if soft and flabby, 
restless and unstable, such a person works by fits and starts. Those 
who have this hand love action; they are energetic and independent; 
they explore and discover and depart from known rules; they fre- 
quently become famous for their inventions. The people with spatu- 
late hands assert their right to possess an individuality of their own. 
(4) The Philosophic, or knotty hand— lovers of wisdom; a hand easily 
recognized, long and angular, bony fingers, developed joints, long 
nails. Not a type favorable to success in wealth; it gleans wisdom 
rather than gold. "People with this hand are liable to be students of 
peculiar subjects. They study mankind. They love mystery in all 
things." If they preach they preach over the heads of the people. 
If they paint they are mystics. Theirs is the place of the aesthetic; 
theirs the domain beyond the borderland of matter; theirs the cloud- 
land of thought, where the dreaded grubworm of materialism dares 
not follow. These hands are very common among the scholars of 
India and the Orient In England striking examples were seen in the 
hands of Tennyson, Cardinal Newman, and Cardinal Manning. (5) 
The Conic or artistic hand: "The main characteristics of the conic 
hand are impulse and Instinct. They are liable to be changeable in 
their affections. They carry their dislikes to extremes. They do not 
reason, but arrive at conclusions through impulse and Instinct, 
Impetuous but generous and sympathetic; more influenced by music, 
color, tears, joy, or sorrow than any other type. (6) The Psychic 
hand, the most beautiful but most unfortunate of the seven, in its 
purity of type is very rare. Its name explains itself— that which 
pertains to the soul. People with this type of hand are idealistic 
and visionary; they appreciate the beautiful in every shape 
and form; they are confiding, and instinctively trust those who are 
kind to them. They have no l$ea how to be practical, businesslike^ 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 337 

or logical. Possessors of these hands are extremely sensitive, and 
frequently feel their position in life so keenly that they too often 
consider themselves useless and become morbid and melancholy in 
consequence. (7) The Mixed hand, so called because it cannot be 
classified as Square, Spatulate, Conic, Philosophic, or Psychic, is the 
hand of ideas, versatility, and generally of changeability of purpose. 

The thumb and fingers also have stories to tell and are examined at 
length. But for many the lines and markings of the palm will hold 
special interest These are exhaustively examined, and aided by 
over thirty full-page illustrations and more than two hundred small 
line drawings, the earnest student who does not shrink from a little 
close application can soon gain a very clear understanding of the 
significance of the various hands with these peculiar lines and mark- 
ings. Without diagrams it is impossible to intelligently describe 
the markings of the hand, nor does space permit my doing so. 
Briefly I would state that among the major lines', the line of life 
extends around the thumb; the line of the head crosses the hand and 
divides the palm, as it were, into two hemispheres. The line of the 
heart runs more or less parallel with the head line, appearing nearer 
to the fingers than the latter. The line of fate occupies the centre of 
the hand and extends from the wrist to the Mount of Saturn (below 
base of second finger). The line of health runs from Mount of 
Mercury (below base of little finger) down the hand. The sun line 
rises in plain of Mars (centre of palm) and runs up to the Mount of 
the Sun (below base of third finger). 

This work, as I have before observed, is able and dignified through- 
out; it Is evidently the product of a scholarly mind, the work of a 
man who is absolutely convinced of the truth of palmistry. The 
author writes in the most charming manner; in him there seems 
to be present a combination of the idealist and the scientist. The 
chapters toward the end of the work dealing with suicide, propensi- 
ties for murder, and various phases of insanity are very thoughtful 
and suggestive. Indeed, this work is one of special Interest to those 
who appreciate the wisdom of fairly examining those things which 
claim to be the bearers of august and vital truths. As before 
observed, the present is an era of interrogation; the past, the present, 
and the future are being questioned as never before. We have found 
that nature has carefully preserved the record of the earth and the 
ascent of life. The claim that the story of life is told in the hands, 
whereby through knowledge men may avert evils which are present 
for the ignorant, Is certainly worthy the consideration of those who 
care more for truth than prejudice, who love knowledge more than 
they fear the sneers of conventionality. 

B. O. FLOWER. 



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338 THE ARENA. 

ARISTOPIA.* 

Of late years the reading public has been offered a great many 
books of fiction serving up various sorts of social speculation, and 
the fact that one success has led to so many imitations shows that 
there has been a decided drift of popular interest in this direction— 
an interest which, like all forms of popular interest, just stopped 
short of the difficulties and labor of prosaic Inquiry into the sciences 
of which these dreams were but the iridescence. This widespread 
interest In a social millennium was one of 'those sentimental 
epidemics which periodically seize upon the reading public, and we 
have heard since a good deal more clamor about the millennium 
than Plato or Sir Thomas More ever evoked, without discovering any 
indication that any of these idealists were striving to fit themselves 
for even citizenship in our very ordinary democracy by an acquaint- 
anceship with the principles of economics. But in a certain way 
these Utopian books have effected some good. They have awakened 
a wholesome degree of discontent with the hideous corrupting farce 
of democracy as we know it to flourish in this country, every day in 
the year—except the fourth of July, when we try to convince the 
Incredulous world outside of the perfectly satisfactory character of 
democracy by making a damnable din. 

The enthusiasts who believe they can construct a millennial society 
on earth by teaching the enfranchised masses fine high-sounding 
generalizations, such as those employed by the Christian Socialists, 
evidently do not comprehend the magnitude of the undertaking. To 
shift society ever so slightly from one base to another is possible 
only through a slow and painful evolution of thought It is the 
gradual change effected not merely in one department of human 
thought, in economics, for instance, but in every department. To 
assume for an instant, as is the common tendency to-day, that senti- 
ment or ethical emotion alone can effect any radical change in the 
constitution of human affairs is sheer madness. Sentiment is 
undoubtedly an important factor In some of the greatest social and 
political events, but even the worst form of society was never founded 
upon it, and cannot be permanently disrupted by it; for sentiment 
alone supplies no better alternative for reconstruction, and men seek 
some sort of social state f 01* individual protection. 

Therefore the great element to be imported into modern literature, 
is the new philosophy of life based upon the accretions of science. 
But this is a slow business, and we see small signs of this new 
and valid ethical consciousness in the sentimental literature of the 
day. This is our objection to Utopias. They falsify the true aims of 
the new social thinking, which is based upon the facts of science and 

* " Aristopia," by Castello N. Holford. Cloth, $1;25; paper, 50 cents. The Arena 
Publishing Company, Boston, Mass. 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 339 

history, and is not at all extravagant These sentimentalists do 
more injury to the cause of social progress than all the Tories, whose 
philosophy is of the old-fashioned theological sort, that regards the 
classification of the facts of the natural world (which is the sole 
work of science, since it does not invent nature, but discovers her 
laws) as the work of diabolical wickedness. But If the discoveries 
of science were not influencing the minds of men there would 
be absolutely no hope or prospect, of any social melioration, much 
less of any Utopia. 

It is facts the world wants. We have had dreams and visions and 
vagaries enough. If facts cannot satisfy the sentimentalist and the 
visionary it is because their minds are diseased; for the true revela- 
tion of God, the unknown, the unknowable, is through facts, which 
hold poetry enough to i>eiplex the greatest minds and leave the old, 
old problems of life and death unsolved and unsolvable. 

But though the picturing of perfectly millennial conditions seems 
somewhat futile, criticism looking toward melioration is quite other- 
wise. Indeed this is the constructive and philosophical aim of 
history; and so a narrative of such a novel character as Mr. Castello 
N. Holford's "Arlstopia." which is an imaginative criticism of 
history, is more interesting and reasonable to the average reader 
than the majority of Utopian romances that have appeared within 
recent years. The criticisms which the story makes through Impllca-* 
lion are more effective than the explicit condemnations of the' Ideal 
socialist's dream, or the indictment of the black picture of the 
pessimist's goblin-haunted night. 

The main idea of the book is a perfectly original one, though now 
that we have It worked out it seems strange that amid all the social 
speculation of the time it has never been pressed Into the service of 
the socialist philosophers before. But all original ideas are found to 
be very close to the ordinary trend of thought when once they are 
promulgated. After all that has been written, throwing Utopias on 
the screen of the future, from Plato's "Republic" and More's 
"Utopia" to "Looking Backward," we are surprised to find this 
domain, on the very confines of them all, unthought of and untouched 
until the moment the author of "Arlstopia" throws it open to us. 
The style of the narrative is most successfully suited to its unfold- 
ing in the guise of history, and it awakens the reader's interest from 
the very beginning. It is no small achievement to impart an atmos- 
phere of novelty and a stir of real life and excitement to a portrayal 
of social conditions embodying the ideals of social justice and 
equality. But "Arlstopia" is an original conception, and the picture 
it gives of the founding and development of an ideal republic In 
Virginia in the seventeenth century holds that subtle verisimilitude 
to fact that so few Utopian Imaginations can impart to their 
fantastic creations. 



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340 THE ARENA. 

The story is not told in the fashion of most of our contemporary 
Utopian writers, who lose themselves in accounts of flying machines, 
etc., and really convey no definite ideas of the economic working's of 
their ideal states. "Aristopia" is not by any means confined to tlie 
actual history of the development of tools and social ideas, but It 
does not destroy its impression of possibility by taking us into a 
world in which the emphasis seems to be more upon the mechanism 
than upon the morality of society. The anachronisms are not so 
glaring as to excite the wonder of the average reader, :md destroy all 
sense of reality— indeed the author is wise enough to only push the 
hands of the clock on a little bit, and he simply transfers some 
discoveries and Inventions from those duly accredited in history to 
his hero, the ideal adventurer, Ralph Morton. 

The author is especially happy in his style, which weaves the 
thread of Utopian romance Into the narrative without destroying the 
atmosphere of the times in which the scenes are laid. The story is 
told in that subtle matter-of-fact style that looks at first so easy aod 
is in reality so difficult to attain. The perfection of this style, a per- 
fection which candor compels us to state is unapproached by Mr. 
Holford or any other modern writer, is the everlasting distinction of 
two of the greatest masters of sturdy English prose, Defoe and Dean 
Swift. This is the transubstantiation of common speech into some- 
thing that impresses the mind as being infinitely finer than the prose 
that is fine from intention. Amid the palpable strain so evident in 
the bulk of contemporary literature It is refreshing to meet with a 
writer who Is enamored of the old-fashioned ideal of robust 
simplicity, and we think this fashion could be more generally revived 
without detriment to the alms and purposes of literature. For while 
this is one of the most difficult forms of narrative, it is one that the 
least lends Itself to Insincerity, affectation, and the set pose ami 
dogma of dllettanteism. The author's conspicuous success in a style 
so little in favor among contemporary writers is evidence of inde- 
pendence of the mere fashions of the day, and shows appreciation of 
the real elements of style, grossly misapprehended by the majority 
of readers, for whom style means rhetorical fireworks. This 
apotheosis of the style of commercial correspondence affords the 
most audacious sweep to the imagination, but it so logically orders 
the imaginings in the language of uninspired common sense that no 
realism can be more convincing. 

"Aristopla" is the name given to a colony of English adventurers, 
founded In the seventeenth century in Virginia through the initiative 
and exertions of Ralph Morton, one of the adventurous spirits of that 
time, when England and Europe generally were sending out explorers 
and adventurers. But most of the adventurers of the time were 
inspired only by the greed of conquest, and were cruel and rapacious. 
The central figure of Arlstopia— for he can scarcely be called the hero 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY, 341 

In the conventional sense, since in the conventional sense the story 
has no plot, no love story, and no villain— Ralph Morton, is an idealist 
and reformer as well as a born leader and practical man of affairs, 
an explorer of science and philosophy as well as of strange seas and 
lands. Sir Thomas More spent his boyhood in the household of 
Cardinal Morton, who was an ancestor of Ralph Morton, the hero 
aforesaid, so that the ambitious and high-spirited young man 
became one of More's earliest adherents. Intended for the law or 
medicine, Ralph Morton's course in life was changed by the death of 
his father in one of Elizabeth's Spanish Wars, and as a young man of 
twenty he left England to seek his fortune in the service of the 
Virginia Company. He was naturally of studious habits of miud, 
but it was a time when all men's minds were filled with dreams of 
conquest and discovery, and when the irresistible desire for adven- 
ture under new and strange conditions of life often seized upon even 
the calmest and most scholarly minds. He was among the second 
shipment of colonists sent out to the infant colony at Jamestown, 
Virginia, which had been planted some seven months before. 

It was not an El Dorado to which the young adventurer was 
introduced when the Sea Gull made fast alongside the village. The 
throng of people on the bank greeted the arrival of tjie vessel with 
every demonstration of Joy, but before the commander, Captain 
Newport, got ashore he was conscious that some evil cloud was over- 
shadowing the little colony which he had left about six months 
before in fair circumstances and with what seemed good prospects. 
Although the men were shouting with joy, it was rather the joy of 
prison-worn captives at the opening of their dungeon doors than joy 
in the progress of a great enterprise. He was surprised, too, to see 
so few— not half as many men as he expected. He hoped the rest 
were away at work in the woods, but he feared not. 

As soon as possible he (Newport) sought out one of the council, a 
stalwart man with a rough, heavy beard and a face browned and 
seamed by a life of exposure and warfare in all the four quarters of 
the globe— the famous Captain John Smith— to learn what had 
passed in the colony during his absence. A good deal had happened. 

When the ships had departed for England the colonists had been 
reduced to live on boiled wheat and barley, mouldy and wormy from 
"frying twenty-six weeks in the ship's hold," as Smith said: for the 
voyage out— of a piece with the folly of the whole enterprise— had 
been made by way of the Canaries and the West Indies, and they had 
loitered months in the tropical waters of those Islands. No well had 
been dug, and the water of the river was warm, brackish, and 
impure. The site of the settlement was a low bank, surrounded 
with marshes, so that in warm weather there was a great deal of 
malaria. One of the council, Gosnold (the first English sea captain 
who had sense enough to sail straight across the Atlantic from Eng- 



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342 THE ARENA. 

land to Virginia) had strongly opposed the site, well knowing the 
danger of malaria. He was among the first of the many who 
perished from its ravages. He had favored a location on a high 
bank twenty miles below Jamestown. Smith, being under arrest at 
the time, could not aid Gosnold in his protest, and so the colony 
started badly. 

The president of the council, the vain, foolish, cowardly, jealous, 
greedy, and selfish Wingfield, weighed like an incubus upon the 
colony, as Smith wrote, Engrossing to his private, Oatmeale, Sacke, 
Oyle, Aquavita?, Beefe, Egges, or what not," and leaving the others 
to starve. At last the endurance of the colonists was worn out, and 
they deposed Wingfield and elected John Ratcliffe to the presidency; 
but the latter was little better than King Log. They lived on fish 
and crabs until September, when they managed to get some corn 
from the Indians. Instead of arriving in time to clear fields and 
plant crops in the spring, and raise some provisions as they bad 
expected, by ill luck and folly combined they were five months upon 
the voyage, consuming their provisions. Nearly all the men were 
unused to labor, and the necessary work in building their houses 
and planting a stockade under such a burning sun as they had never 
seen in England had broken them down. Then chills and fever from 
malaria and bowel complaints from bad food and water seized upon 
them and carried off more than half their number. 

Owing to the incompetence of the rest of the council Smith had to 
bear the brunt of the work. When he was at the settlement he was 
constantly urging the lazy fellows, who had never before done a day's 
manual labor, to the rude toil before the colony. It was a colony 
made up for the most part of worthless gallants and soldiers of 
fortune, who had been pressed into the service to escape from debt 
or prison or other 111 destinies at home, or shipped by relatives who 
wanted to get rid of them. The one practical, masterful mind in the 
community was the old soldier, sailor, and adventurer. John Smith. 
It was under these discouraging and unhopeful circumstances that 
Ralph Morton began his career In America. 

Through some careless, drunken, roystering freak the whole village 
was burned down, and then one of the men discovered a bed of sand, 
heavily charged with powdered iron pyrites, near the village. The 
glittering stuff was supposed to be gold and immediately the colony 
went wild. All other necessary labors were neglected. There was 
no talk but of digging gold, washing gold, refining gold, and loading 
gold. There were only two men in the camp whose heads were not 
turned. These were Smith and Morton. The latter had learned 
something about minerals, and pronounced the stuff sulphuret of 
iron. 

The romance history of Aristopia was the result of an accidental 
discovery. The Virginia Company ordered that an expedition be 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 343 

sent out to explore the Chesapeake. Captain Smith and fourteen 
men, among them Ralph Morton, set out on the unknown voyage in 
an open barge of three tons, rigged with a mast and sail, and sailed 
up the eastern side of the bay. A series of heavy storms delayed and 
nearly shipwrecked them, so that with bad and scanty food and 
exposure to the storms in their open boat several of the men fell sick. 

The party came to an estuary seven miles broad, which the Indians 
called Patawomek, and as the sick men were in better spirits, they 
decided to explore this great river and sailed up it for days. At last, 
after passing a considerable branch that came in on the northeastern 
side, they found the river quite narrow, and soon came to some rapids 
over which they could not get their barge. Smith set out with eight 
men to explore the river for some distance above the rapids. Ralph 
Morton was among the six left in charge of the boat. As Ralph had 
developed considerable skill in marksmanship and had shown him- 
self capable and trustworthy Smith gave him permission to go out a 
short distance for a hunt, cautioning him to look out for Indians. He 
set off up the creek and went much farther than he intended, and 
at last discovers a gold mine of immense wealth. Immediately 
the thought flashed into his mind what a great influence he could 
wield for social good if he could control all that wealth, instead of 
giving it up to the dissolute and worthless crowd at Jamestown and 
the selfish merchants in London. 

So he concealed about fifteen pounds of the precious metal about 
him, enough to charter a bark and come back for the rest of it, and 
then replacing the loose earth upon the golden mass he covered it 
with leaves and stones, so that it was completely out of sight. After 
cutting some marks on the trees and taking the bearings of the mine 
from the creek he returned to the boat, and the party set sail for 
camp. 

Ralph obtained permission to sail for England upon the next 
vessel homeward bound, and he left Jamestown and its fortunes 
forever. 

Arrived in London the young man set himself energetically to work 
to perfect his plans in the most practical manner. He quietly dis- 
posed of his gold to the goldsmiths and then chartered a-small bark 
for a voyage. He engaged his two brothers, Henry and Charles, to 
make the voyage to Virginia with him, but did not admit them to his 
confidence in regard to the gold mine. He told them he was going to 
trade with Indians for furs and load up a cargo of sassafras wood. 
After passing between the capes of the Chesapeake the bark entered 
the Potomac instead of the James, and Ralph bought furs from all 
the Indian villages along the river. He set the crew at work cutting 
such sassafras trees as grew along the banks, and then set out alone 
to continue operations at his mine. He found the place without 
difficulty. It had not been molested, and he set to' work and soon 



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344 THE ARENA. 

uncovered three great masses of gold. He found that the mine con- 
tained immensely greater wealth than he had at first dreamed of. He 
cut out all the gold he could carry alone, and covering up his work 
departed. He concluded to work entirely alone and keep the mine a 
secret even from his brothers. At first he had thought of sharing the 
mine with them, but as the possible vastness of the wealth occurred 
to him, certain vague plans began to outline themselves in his mind 
for an enterprise greater and more ambitious than any yet under- 
taken by adventurers and conquerors. In these plans 'he dared seek 
no confidant and wanted no equal partners who might block his 
schemes, and so he decided not to trust even his brothers. A few 
days' more labor, and he had stowed away a thousand pounds 
avoirdupois of gold in his cabin on board the bark. It was packed 
in boxes and covered with micaceous earth, so that he could open the 
boxes and allow anyone to inspect them without their suspecting 
anything of greater value than the earth. 

Arrived in London the company's agent was easily deceived with 
the worthlessness of the glittering earth, and Ralph proceeded to 
put his wealth into a form in which he could dispose of it and use the 
proceeds. The gold was melted in secret and poured into bar moulds 
of about seven hundred troy ounces each. On the bottoms of the 
moulds were engraved the words: "Casa de Moneda real Ciudad 
de Megico" (Royal mint, city of Mexico), to make it appear that the 
gold came from Mexico. Then selling his gold for ready money he 
repaired to the officers of the Virginia Company and proposed to 
them to buy a grant of land to be bounded by the arc of a circle 
whose centre was at the head of tidewater on the Potomac, that part 
of the circle only lying on the left bank of the river. For this he 
proposed to pay the company fifteen hundred pounds. 

The treasurer was suspicious. The company was always hoping 
for news of a discovery of gold or other precious metals. "Why do 
you choose that particular spot?" he asked. "Captain Smith says 
the cliffs there look in places as if sprinkled with silver." 

"Captain Smith sent you a load of that glittering earth and you did 
not get a grain of silver out of it The spot I want lies at the head of 
navigation of a broad river, and such I deem a fit place for a city." 

The treasurer was deceived and thought the young man a vision- 
ary. As Ralph was to take out a colony at his own expense, and as 
the Jamestown colony had already cost the company many thou- 
sands of pounds, the only return for which had been two or three 
cargoes of cedar-wood, the company was not loth to take fifteen 
hundred pounds of good gold and give Morton a grant in fee simple 
of the soil, waters, forests, and minerals, with the power of lieu- 
tenant governor in the local government of the colony, the general 
government subordinate to the Virginia Council. 

Ralph Morton's scheme had been developing rapidly in his mind 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 345 

during this stay in London while negotiations were pending, and he 
finally determined not merely to found a new colony, but to found 
Aristopia, "the best place," a new state, upon entirely new principles. 
Me now set about procuring colonists, looking for them among the 
laboring masses — the peasantry and the other industrial classes — 
Instead of among the dissolute gentry from which the Jamestown 
colony had been recruited. The most difficult consideration in the 
selection of emigrants was the necessity of reconciling antagonistic 
religious beliefs and securing that full religious tolerance which 
Morton was determined should obtain in his colony. It was a time 
In which religious struggles ran high. England was a hotbed of the 
fiercest intolerance and bigotry. But Morton was philosopher enough 
to see that all these contentious sects were far from being actuated 
with the spirit of the teachings of Christ, and he wanted peace in his 
colony. He therefore determined to Bhut out the extremists and 
intractables as long as possible, and selected, as most of his emi- 
grants, indifferent adherents of the Church of England, among whom 
religious tolerance could be developed and sustained. Thus the ex- 
treme Catholics and the extreme Puritans were not taken, although 
the moderate Catholics 1 werei welcomed. 

The colony lost no time in building cabins and houses, and a 
fortification as a protection against the Indians, and this first village 
was called Mortonia. The gold from the mine enabled Morton to buy 
more and more territory and ship more and more emigrants from 
every quarter of Europe, and in a few years the name Aristopia was 
adopted as the general name of the state and territory occupied by 
this numerous people. 

After obtaining from the Virginia Company a grant of land extend- 
ing along the Potomac from the eastern branch to the source of the 
river, Morton sought King James and obtained a charter. The South 
Virginia Company had a charter for the region extending from the 
thirty-fourth to the fortieth parallel and one hundred miles from the 
coast Morton asked a charter for the region (besides the five-mile 
belt along the Potomac from the eastern branch to the source of the 
river) extending from the thirty-eighth to the forty-first parallel, and 
from the crest of the highest range of the mountains of Virelnla to 
the South Sea. And so the complaisant James, who granted his 
request, gave him the dominion of a vast empire. This range 
Morton assured the king was more than a hundred and fifty miles 
from the coast. The American continent was then thought by the 
English to be very narrow, and the South Sea not verv far beyond 
the mountains. Morton, who had made an expedition beyond the 
mountains and desired to intrench his new state in the interior, took 
care that no account of the expedition should reach England. This, 
In spite of the fact that the explorations of De Soto along the lower 



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846 THE ARENA. 

Mississippi and of Coronado and Caboza de Valca in New Mexico 
had long been published, was very strange. The French explorers 
were very much more enterprising and adventurous, and with a 
Juster idea of the extent of the country were desirous of obtaining 
dominion over the interior. And yet many English navigators had 
seen the vast volume of fresh water poured down by the St Law- 
rence, which they might have known could only be drained from a 
great continent. 

Morton and his heirs and successors were constituted absolute 
lords and proprietors of the region. Morton's proprietorship was of 
the soil, mines, forests, and waters, and the fish in them. He was 
also to have authority in religious affairs "as any Bishop of Durham 
within the bishopric or county palatine of Durham." He and his 
heirs were given power to make laws, with the advice, assent, and 
approbation of the freemen of the province or their delegates, and 
ordinances for cases of emergency, 44 so, nevertheless, that the laws 
and ordinances aforesaid be consonant to reason, and be not repug- 
nant or contrary to, but (so far as conveniently may be) agreeable to 
the laws, statutes, customs, and rights of this our kingdom of Eng- 
land." 

Prom this point the author deals with history down to the Revolu- 
tion and the establishment of the vast republic of Aristopia, with the 
fantastic license of romance, but everything is related with a simplic- 
ity that reads like a plain recital of leading facts. The government 
and progress of Aristopia are shown in detail. The growth of vil- 
lages and outposts throughout the domain finally reached beyond the 
mountains, and the capital city of the community was removed to 
the head of the Potomac and Ohio rivers, and the settlements 
stretched away out to the Mississippi. These are some of the 
liberties the author takes with history, but it all seems very probable 
and real in his hands. Then again he gives the substance of history, 
as in his account of the Revolutionary War, with such coloring and 
fantastic amendments as promote the happiness and fortunes of his 
favored Aristopians. 

Thus Governor Morton rather discounted some more recent history 
with which we are familiar. He foresaw the evils attending negro 
slavery, as well as recognized its Injustice and Inhumanity, and 
procured a constitutional amendment declaring that slavery or 
Involuntary servitude, except for crime, should never exist in 
Aristopia. Considering the depraved public sentiment regarding 
slavery then existing in England, this position was one of extraor- 
dinary courage; and if only Aristopia had been a fact, what a bitter 
black blot In history would have been wiped out! As was to be 
expected, in its relations with England no other law of Aristopia was 
so hard to enforce as this; and the author does not explain why such 



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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 347 

an overturning of the English law did not result in harsh measures 
being resorted to. But we need not harry the romantic historian, 
who so pleasantly gives us an account of human progress which 
we can contemplate without heartsickness, and who so agree- 
ably interweaves facts and fancies and anachronisms that we 
actually get a glimpse of that America of milk and honey of which 
we have heard so much in song and story and of which we have seen 
so little. 

Aristopia, more truly than the America whose history we know, 
became the refuge of the poor and oppressed of all the peoples of 
earth. No disillusionment awaited them. There were peace and 
plenty and security for all. Under Aristopian rule there were no 
democratic ironies. It was a social compact of intelligence, not a 
mere government by counting heads to save the trouble of breaking 
them. 

The pages telling the later romance history of Aristopia are very 
interesting for the fashion in which the Revolution finally spreads 
the influence of Aristopia throughout the length and breadth of the 
colonies. We put the book down with a sense of the irony of the real 
ending of this experiment in democracy, and the wonder recurs that 
in the face of reality any can hope for Utopia in all sincerity. But 
Aristopia, in showing the real barrenness of our much-vaunted 
progress and civilization, with its burdens of crime and misery* and 
its mockery of the destinies of the masses, paints a contrast that sug- 
gests to the thoughtful that without a deep sense of moral obligation 
in society all religion, political freedom, and progress are mere empty 
bubbles on the surface. And the world will never be what it couljl 
be for any because we do not seek to* make it all it could be for all. 

W. B. HARTB. 
A MARKET FOR AN IMPULSE.* 
If the reader has ever spent any enchanted days in any of the 
older New England towns that have escaped the ugly and harsh 
touch of progress, with its sooty factory chimneys and its grim and 
miserable army of dependents — say Concord, Marblehead, or 
Plymouth— he is in the social atmosphere of this story at once. 
There is no doubt of it. We have the whole scene given us in a few 
deft touches. The little huddled-up High Street, the winding hill, 
the scattered houses of the well-to-do people, the little knots of idlers 
around the hotel and the town hall and the depot. And beyond and 
all round the hills. All this ia more subtly suggested than painted in 
detail in the opening chapter of the book. 

Life in these delightful somnolent old New England towns seems 
to run more smoothly than in the great cities, and men's idiosyn- 



* " A Market for an Impulse," by William Whittemore Tofts. Cloth $1.26, paper 
60 cents. Arena Publishing Company, Boston, Mass. 



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348 THE ARENA. 

crasies have more room for natural development. In the city men 
lose their Individuality and become part of a vast social mechanism. 
The straggle for existence wears away the sharp angles of peculiar 
temperaments and leads to the suppression of all emotion that will 
unfit men to play the game relentlessly with relentless opponents. 
Though of course human nature is the same under all skies it does 
seem that men are not so moulded by the fear of to-morrow in smaller 
places as they are in the cities. Thus idiosyncrasies and eccentri- 
cities of character seem to be more marked and more abundant in 
small places than in cities like New York, Chicago, and Boston. 
Certainly in country towns men appear to be less entirely absorbed 
in the scramble to get on, and that encourages an independence of 
character which differentiates the man from his business. 

At any rate, in the town of Skye, to which the reader is introduced 
in "A Market for an Impulse," we get those interesting contrasts of 
character which we feel could not exist very well out of this social 
atmosphere. Certainly we should not expect to find them in New 
York or Boston drawing-rooms. Their good manners are those of 
naturalness, not those of fashion. But it must not be thought 
that they are of that transparent simplicity with which conventional 
fiction and poetry have familiarized us. The deepest of all subtleties 
are those of nature, especially when pride and diffidence would 
dissemble love. In a word, artifice comes by nature. And as the 
author admirably shows, the drama of life is as real and fateful, if 
less intense, on this smaller stage, as it is on larger ones where the 
stakes and struggles may be greater. 

The title of the book may puzzle some readers for a moment. It is 
an excellent one, and puts us into the proper mood in which to read 
the story after a moment's reflection. Its unhackneyed, unusual 
freshness gives the key to the intellectual and sympathetic qualities 
which permeate the whole story. If we stop to think a moment the 
best elements in our lives and characters are our generous native 
Impulses for truth and justice, which after bitter experiences and 
disillusionments we learn to put aside as hot-headed folly. We learn 
expediency and worldly wisdom, because experience teaches us that 
offering opposition to injustice and wrong only lands us in estrange- 
ment and friendlessness and necessity. There is no market for 
impulses. All the forces of society are against the man who would 
act his life throughout upon his quick apprehension of right and 
wrong. The great question is self-interest— expediency; the ques- 
tion of right and wrong should only enter into remote abstract ques- 
tions of doctrinal belief, and so on. But to tangle one's impulses up 
with one's moral perceptions, so that acquiescence becomes suffoca- 
tion, silence a crime, and a lie impossible, is to deliberately declare 
for a place In that army of the seedy and battered and disreputable 
which has thrown away its opportunities in life and ends Its days in 



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BOOKS OP THE DAY. 349 

beggary and squalor. A man who after considering all the evidence, 
Is forced, at a mature age, to conclude that he cannot trust his will to 
combat his impulses, that he cannot reconcile his sympathies and 
Jesuitry, that he cannot lie for the mere sake of conformity, that he 
cannot strangle his indignation at wrong, is under the strongest 
moral obligation not to marry. Indeed, he should keep control of 
himself long enough to save enough to buy some stout cord and then 
go and hang himself to the nearest lamp-post. There is no use or 
place for an honest man in this world. That is the deliberate opinion of 
every reflecting world- wise sage, who just keeps his eyes open. At 
the very least all extravagantly honest men should remain celibate. 
They have no sort of moral right to curse the innocent by bringing 
them into a life of misery, perhaps, tnrough the influence of heredity, 
morally unfit for social survival 

But Mr. William Whittemore Tufts in his story succeeds in finding 
a market for his man of impulse, and we will return to his story. 
We must remark, however, since the conclusion of Mr. Tufts' story 
would seem to invalidate the deliberate verdict of worldly wisdom, 
that the market he finds for the man of impulse and his ideals is the 
matrimonial market. This market does not always hold the salvation 
of the soul. But in the accidents of life it Is possible for a young 
woman to be beautiful and lovable and loving as well as rich, and the 
man of impulse in this case is blessed to the full extent of his deserts 
by winning the woman he loves, and with her the luxury of a 
loquacious conscience. 

Peyton Wade, the man of impulse, the principal character in the 
story, is drawn with unusual skill and certainty, and he fascinates 
the reader at once, and holds his or her attention and Interest and 
sympathy to the end. He Is a man who stands for truth, justice, and 
right, no matter what the consequences may be. He acts upon 
impulse, and cares nothing for self-interest or expediency. He is a 
young lawyer without clients or resources, in debt, and with his 
way to make. But his straightforwardness and plain-speaking on 
public questions do not recommend him to the favor of those in place 
and power in the little town, and his best friends said of him that he 
had ability, but was too impolitic to succeed. "He takes no account 
of policy and acts on impulse. A man like that will never get a law 
practice," one of his critics says of him. And immediately the reader 
is interested, for in the everyday world men of impulse are almost 
unknown. 

The man of impulse calls upon his friend, Dr. Chickering, who is 
as much in need of patients as he is of clients, and asks him to help 
a certain poor sick woman who has found shelter under the roof of 
another woman, a Mrs. Haverell, almost as destitute as herself. Dr. 
Chickering advises him not to make any appeal to the select-men of 
the town, as it will only lead to a fuss, and then Wade's landlord will 



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350 THE ARENA. 

want to collect his back rent— an embarrassing contingency. How- 
ever, he seeks Hilland Hllworthy, one of the leading men of the 
town, the administrator of the "Hazzard Fund" for the poor. He 
goes to the great man's house, and some hot words pass, for Mr. 
Hllworthy refuses to give anything out of the fund and he has 
reasons of his own for wishing to avoid an investigation as to how 
and for whose benefit the funds have been applied. Margaret 
Hllworthy, the sister of Hilland, however, has some property rights 
of her own, and she gives the young lawyer her estates to look after. 

A peculiar wlU, left by Miss Ililworthy's eccentric uncle, Ashael 
llilworthy, Involves the playing of "Romeo and Juliet" by a com- 
pany of amateurs made up out of the residents of the town. If the 
play is well played and satisfies a committee of critics, a great hall is 
to be given to the town; if it is ill played a certain person named in 
the bequest is to get it. Such conditions give the author plenty of 
room for much humorous and brilliant by-play that adds consider- 
ably to the brightness of the love story. 

Towne, Wade's landlord, is his rival for the affections of Miss 
Hilworthy, but the young lady, with the reader, is in love with the 
man who follows his impulse— and that, fortunately for her peace of 
^ mind, is to love her with all the strength of a frank, cordial, generous, 
aboveboard nature. They play Romeo and Juliet together, and in 
the rehearsals learn their love for each other and play with genuine 
feeling and passion. A cloud comes over their happiness through the 
wanton mischief of a knave hired by Margaret's brother to poison 
her mind against her lover, but all comes out happily in the end, one 
sunny summer's afternoon. 

The dialogue Is especially smart and natural and sparkling, remind- 
ing the reader here and there in its bright epigrammatic turns of 
George Meredith's playful cut and thrust, and again of Charlotte 
Brontes keen and deft fixing of moods and character in the exchange 
of everyday topics, used to subtly touch deeper themes. It glides 
lightly over the deeper springs of human thought and conduct, and 
reveals, as few contemporary writers can, the dramatic intensity of 
the psychological tragedy of life beneath its apparent round of 
monotony. The story, too. has incident and spirit, and moves quickly. 
It is distinctly clever and quite out of the ordinary run of fiction. 
All the characters have reality and force, and the author shows great 
skill in lighting up unusual types. The story, too, is very original in 
theme, and the whole shows literary attainments of a high order. 

W. B. HARTB. 
GLADSTONE: A STUDY FROM LIFE.* 

In Mr. Lucy's study of the life of Gladstone we have a work 
written in a clear, easy, and delightful manner which cannot fail to 

• " Gladstone: A Study from Life," by Henry W. Lucy. Cloth, pp. 254; frontis- 
piece, picture of Gladstone j price 91.25. Roberts Bros., Boston. 

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BOOKS OF THE DAY. 851 

Interest the reader as much as an equally able work of fiction, while 
it possesses the added value of being helpful and instructive. Biog- 
raphy, especially when it deals with the noble figures of history, 
holds a special value for the young. It is character-moulding in its 
Influence. Unconsciously the ideal produced in the mind by the story 
of the life portrayed lives in the thought-world of the reader. We 
are all largely what our ideals make us, and from the lives of the 
noble, brave, and good we draw an inspiration which becomes a part 
of us. This very important fact has been generally overlooked by 
parents and teachers in the past. I would have the library of every 
child liberally provided with well written biographies of those who 
have helped the world onward and upward; the civilization 
promoters of all times. 

Mr. Gladstone, although one of the noblest figures in the world of 
contemporaneous statescraft, is by no means a faultless man. He 
has made many grave and painful errors during his long and on the 
whole illustrious public career. He sympathized with the South 
during the slavery agitation. On the subject of woman's enfran- 
chisement he is far behind a number of his conservative opponents, 
and many times the unbiased student is forced to feel that at im- 
portant moments the great commoner has evinced more of the poli- 
tician than the statesman. Nevertheless, the general trend of his 
life, his thoughts, and his acts has been upward and onward. In his 
family relations also he has given us a splendid illustration of noble 
manhood; hence his life will prove an inspiration to the young. 

Mr. Lucy has had exceptionally favorable opportunities for making 
an authentic and readable sketch, owing to his intimate relations 
with Gladstone for more than twenty years; and the work is enliv- 
ened by many personal notes and reminiscences which add greatly 
to the charm of the volume. The life of Gladstone is in a large 
degree the political history of England for the past two generations; 
and in this work Mr. Lucy, while giving a graphic and striking 
picture of the great Liberal, also presents in a kaleidoscopic way 
great historic passages during the stirring scenes of the past sixty 
years. This book ought to have a wide sale. It will interest all 
lovers of good literature and will prove of special value to the young. 

B. O. FLOWER. 

THE POWER OF SILENCE.* 

The present period of change and mental activity has produced 

many works of value to those who are seeking self -culture or strength 

through self-mastery. A new work of this nature, written by 

Horatio W. Dresser and entitled "The Power of Silence," impresses 

me as being of real value. It is dignified and thoughtful, and while 

♦"The. Power of Silence," by Horatio W. Dresser. Cloth, pp. 219; price 91.60. 
George H. Ellis, Boston, Mass. 



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352 THE ARENA. 

thoroughly philosophical is also eminently practical The parents of 
the author were pioneers among the successful metaphysicians of 
our time, and, aside from their success in the treatment of disease, 
they gave strength and dignity to the new truths by their superior 
mental grasp and their exposition of a philosophy but little under- 
stood by the intellectual world. From these superior parents the 
author received what so few children inherit or possess— the right 
kind of prenatal and postnatal conditions. A liberal education has 
developed his naturally strong mind, and in perusing his book I have 
many times thought of Emerson, although there is no suggestion of 
imitation; and Mr. Dresser, while lacking some of the finish of the 
Sage of Concord, seems to me to be more direct and practical In his 
thought. Persons interested in rational metaphysical conceptions 
will find this volume stimulating and helpful. It deals with the life 
which now is In a broad and vital way. It aims to develop character 
and to give the individual that self-poise which comes only from a 
knowledge of the hidden depths of the true self. It is singularly free 
from anything of a visionary nature and will appeal to men and 
women of conviction who have hitherto taken small interest in 
metaphysical thought. If this first book of Mr. Dresser's is an 
earnest of what is to follow he will become a power among the con- 
structive workers of the new time. 

B. O. FLOWER. 



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TIIK GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK, WHO SIGNED THE BANNER 
AGE-OF-CONSENT BILL. 



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THE ARENA. 



No. LXIX. 



AUGUST, 1895. 



A BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY, OR THE 

HISTORY OF RECENT AGE-OF-CONSENT 

LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED 

STATES. 



BY HELEN H. GARDENER. 



Part I. The Victory in New York, Arizona, and Idaho. 

In dealing with the question of the so-called " age of consent" 
(which might better be called the age of protection), I wish 
to state at the 
outset that I 
shall not con- 
sider it in the 
usual way, that 
is to say, as 
legislation in 
the interest of 
morality, per 
se. What our 
religious and 
moral views 
may be, de- 
pends very 
largely upon 
accident of lo- 
cation, birth, 
or training, 
and these vary 
widely among 
equally good 
citizens. Nor 
do I believe it 
wise or possible 
to legislate 
morals into 




11 ON. GEORGK W. BRUSH, M. D. 
AUTHOR OP THE NEW TORK AGl-Of -CONSENT BII*L. 



Copyrighted 1806, by the Arena Publishing Co. 



363 



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354 THE ARENA. 

people. In one sense a law against theft is moral legislation ; so is 
a law against arson or murder ; but it is not because of the moral 
quality of such acts that we make laws to control those who 
steal or burn or murder. It is primarily because we wish to 
protect against violence the property and lives of the citizens of 
the state. It is because property-holders object to incendiarism 
and theft, and all men object to being murdered ; so that this 
moral legislation has a natural basis, inherent in the very fabric 
of life and citizenship, quite aside from the right or wrong of the 
acts from a religious or a moral point of view — a basis that is 
far firmer, deeper, and more universal than anyone faith or than 
any single code of ethics. 

This is equally true of the legislation sought in the interest of 
the girl-children of America. They have a right to legal pro- 
tection of their persons, which is more imperative by far than is 
the protection which every state has recognized as a matter be- 
yond controversy when applied to a girPs property or her ability 
to make contracts, deeds, and wills, or to her control of herself in 
any matters which are of importance to her as an individual, and 
to the state, because she is one of its citizens whose future wel- 
fare is a matter of moment to the commonwealth. The law 
guards girls against the immaturity of their own judgment. It 
says : " Until you are twenty-one years of age you may not buy 
or sell or deed property ; you have not sufficient judgment to 
make important contracts, and until you have this, the law will 
protect you even against yourself; for this matter is of impor- 
tance not only to you and yours, but to the state in which you 
are to be a helpful or a harmful or a burdensome unit hence- 
forth." 

This same position the state takes in regard to a girl's legal 
marriage. Experience shows that the children of mothers who 
were too young have not a fair birthright. The mothers them- 
selves are too immature to give safe and healthy and sound chil- 
dren to the state. Then, too, the cruelty of immature maternity 
to the mother herself has been held (in the more civilized 
nations) as a matter of serious moment. 

Now, in regard to unmarried motherhood, or prostitution out- 
side of wedlock, the state has temporized with the abnormally 
developed sex-perversion and cravings of the dominant sex until 
the danger to the state and to society is very real and all-per- 
vading; until famous physicians and alienists everywhere declare 
that " not one family in ten can show a clean heredity, free from the 
poison of the vilest disease known to the race " ; until the " civilized " 
countries are filled with epileptics, syphilitics, imbeciles, sex- 
perverts, and consumptives, and the insane asylums expand to 
alarming proportions ; until prisons are crowded with criminals 



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BATTLE FOB SOUND MOBALITY. 



355 




HON, BAXTER C. -Ml IV IK. Si. 
SENATOR, OF NEW YORK. 



transmitted and retrans- 
mitted until its propor- 
tions appall those who 
understand. Now it is 
our contention, first, that 
these children, for and 
because of their own 
right to a fair chance in 
life to be well and 
happy and successful, 
are themselves entitled 
to protection, if need be, 
from even their own 
ignorance or desire 
in this matter as in 
matters of property, 
contracts, or marriage, 
and second, that in the 
interest of public health 
and future generations, 
it is of vast importance 
to the state to protect 



who were born 
with vice in their 
blood ; until pau- 
pers, the offspring 
of outcasts, bur den 
the state and curse 
— they know not 
what. 

It is notoriously 
true that brothels 
and vice-factories 
get their recruits 
from the ranks of 
childhood — from 
the ignorance 
which is unpro- 
tected by law. 
These children's 
lives are wrecked, 
and the state is 
burdened with 
disease and vice 
and crime and in- 
sanity, which is 




HON. D. E. AIN8WORTH, OF NEW YORK. 



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356 THE ARENA. 

her children in this matter also (even against their own wishes) 
until their own judgments may be supposed to have matured 
sufficiently for the state to say; "Now you must choose for 
yourself and take t/ie consequences. If you choose now to pol- 
lute yourself and the public fountain of health, I cannot inter- 
fere, unless you use violence upon others, until you become in 
one form or another a public charge. With your morals, as 
such, I have nothing to do; but with your capacity and willing- 
ness to add to the volume of crime, vice, disease, insanity, and 
mortality, I have something to do, and I will protect myself, also. 
Until you were of mature age and judgment, I also protected 
you even against yourself." 

This is the position of those of us who urge immediate legisla- 
tion in every state upon the " age of consent." That most of 
the writers who have taken part in the agitation have not 
based their arguments wholly upon this scientific and natural 
basis is doubtless due to the fact that this form of legislation 
appeals strongly to many who are accustomed to look upon all 
such matters from a religious or philanthropic point of view. 
It has been the policy of the ARENA to let each writer give his 
or her own views and arguments as he or she saw fit. But the 
state of New York struck the basic principle and keynote when 
her two State Medical Associations * (Allopathic and Homoeo- 
pathic) passed resolutions asking for this legislation " in the in- 
terest of public health and clean heredity," in the interest of 
future generations as well as in that of the unfortunate children 
whom its protection will save from the physical hell which they 
do not understand is in store for them and from the social deg- 
radation which is also inevitable, and as cruel and relentless as 
the folds of a python. 

The great Empire State passed this measure with but one dis- 
senting vote (Mr. John P. Madden), f and now stands in the 

* Medical Society of the State of New York. 
F. C. Cubtis, M. D., Secretary, No. 17 Washington Avenue. 

Albany, N. Y., May 15, 1895. 
Your letter addressed to nie March 30, as President of the New York State Medical 
Society at New York, City came to hand recently through Dr. George W. Brush of the 
Assembly. I have only to say in regard to the action of this society in reference to 
the proposed legislation limiting the legal age of consent to eighteen years, that the 
resolution of which your letter contains a copy was offered in the society at its annual 
meeting in February, by Dr. George W. Brush, a delegate to the society from the 
Kings County Medical Society, and member of assembly. It wan adoptetl without 
dissent and referred to the committee on legislation. 

Yours respectfully, 

F. C. CURTIS. 

The same action was taken by the Homoeopathic State Society, but I have not been 
able to reach its President.— H. H. G. 

t Nantes of those who voted in the negative in assembly: First vote— Jacob L- 
Ten Eyck, John J. Cain, James A. Donnelly, Samuel J. Foley, Daniel J. Gleason, John 
P. Corrigan, John A. Hennessy, Henry J. Staley. Final vote — John P. Madden. All 
who voted in the negative were Democrats. 



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BATTLE FOB SOUND MORALITY. 



357 




SENATOR EUGENE F. O'CONNOR. 
CHAIRMAN OF JUDICIARY COMMITTEE OF NEW YORK. 

front rank not only in what she did, but because of the broad 
and comprehensive basis upon which her action rested. I am 
pleased to give a full report of the action in New York, and 
also to give the pictures of a few of those to whom the Empire 
State owes a debt which reaches far into the future. Many 
whose names and pictures are not given deserve almost equal 
credit, but it is impossible in these pages to go more into detail. 
In a pamphlet for future educational work this may be done. 

NEW YORK. 

1. Brief of Dr. George W. Brush, on Bill Increasing Age 
of Consent to Eighteen Years in New York. 

This bill was introduced by request. I offer no apology for 
its introduction. I wish I could make its provisions stronger, 
and hope for its passage. 

It is a bill in the interests of morality and the uplifting of 
society. It throws an additional safeguard around the Ameri- 
can home. It is a bill to limit an evil which causes more misery 
and shame than any other, with perhaps the one exception of 
the abuse of alcoholic stimulants. It is a bill to protect our sis- 



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358 THE ARENA. 

ters and daughters in their innocent childhood and until they 
shall have arrived at an age when they will know more of their 
obligations to society and the world. 

It is a bill which, if it becomes a law — as I believe it will by 
the votes of the legislature of this state — will place the great 
state of New York in the van upon this question and lift higher 
the standard of purity and morality. Anything which does that 
makes better citizens, helps the state, and brings a larger degree 
of happiness to our people. It is the manifest duty of every 
member of this house to so act that laws may be passed that will 
preserve the integrity of our institutions; and any measure 
which comes before us that is a step forward and upward should 
meet with our cordial support. Such a measure I believe this 
one to be, and so believing I was glad to be honored by being 
asked to present it. 

This bill is backed by some of the most influential scientific 
bodies in this state, who have urged upon us its passage. The 
New York State Medical Society, which met in this city on Feb. 
5, 6, and 7, by a unanimous vote passed the following reso- 
lutions : 

Resolved, That the proposed legislation limiting the legal age of 
consent in this state to eighteen years instead of sixteen is a measure 
calculated to limit the social evil, with its attendant diseases and 
physical as well as moral degradation; therefore, 

KtsolniL That the proposed legislation meets with the cordial sup- 
port and approval of the Medical Society of the State of New York. 

The above resolutions were proposed to the Medical Society of the 
State of New York at its annual meeting hold in Albany, Feb. 5. <>, 7, 
1895, and were unauimously passed. 

(Signed) FREDERICK C. CURTIS, M. D., Secretary. 

The New York State Homoeopathic Medical Society unani- 
mously passed similar resolutions at its meeting one week later. 
Other organizations and societies have added their voices of 
approval to these. 

Why should the law permit the most precious jewel of 
womanhood to be bartered or given away before its possessor 
can legally convey real estate ? Why should our daughters be 
subjected to the perils of the approaches of the "wolves in 
sheep's clothing " who entice them unwittingly to their destruc- 
tion, and the brutes be privileged to hide themselves under the 
cloak of the law? 

It is a significant fact that, in the only two states in this great 
nation where women are privileged to vote, the age of consent 
is the highest, thus showing what woman will do to lift the 
standard of purity in politics if she is given the vote. 

It ought not to be necessary for me to make any lengthy argu- 
ment in such a body as this on such a question ; there cannot be 



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BATTLE FOB SODND MORALITY. 



359 




MISS FLORENCE FAIRVIEW. 
INDEPENDENT WORKER, NEW YORK. 



any good reasons advanced against its passage. I do not see 
how any man can vote against this bill and go home and face 
his mother, his wife, or his sister without a blush of shame. I 
ask you therefore, gentlemen of this assembly, on behalf of the 
medical profession which I represent, in behalf of all who love 
purity and truth, to pass this just measure by a unanimous vote, 
and by thus doing place the great state of New York among 
those which have registered themselves in favor of a larger pro- 
tection to womanhood. 



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360 THE ARENA. 

II. Copy of Bill Passed. 

State of New York. 

No. 667, 786, 1068, 2345. Int. 575. 

In Assembly, 

February 7, 1895. 
Introduced by Mr. BRUSH — read once and referred to the committee 
on codes, reported favorably from said committee with amendments, 
reprinted, placed on the order of second reading and referred to the 
committee on revision, reported from said committee without recom- 
mendations and ordered to a third reading, amended on third read- 
ing and reprinted, further amended and ordered reprinted. 

AN ACT 

To amend the penal code in relation to the age of consent 

The People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and As- 
sembly, do enact as follows : 

Section 1. Subdivision five of section two hundred and seventy- 
eight of the penal code is hereby amended to read as follows: 

5. When she is, at the time, unconscious of the nature of the act, and 
this is known to the defendant, or when she is in the custody of the 
law, or of any officer thereof, or in any place of lawful detention, tem- 
porary or permanent, is guilty of rape in the first degree and punish- 
able by imprisonment for not more than twenty years. A person who 
perpetrates an act of sexual intercourse with a female, not his wife, 
under the age of eighteen years, under circumstances not amounting 
to rape in the first degree, is guilty of rape in the second degree, and 
punishable with imprisonment for not more than ten years. 

§ 2. Subdivisions one and four of section two bundled and eighty- 
two of the penal code are hereby amended to read as follows: 

1. Takes, receives, employs, harbors or uses, or causes or procures 
to be taken, received, employed or harbored or used, a female under 
the age of eighteen years, for the purpose of prostitution; or, not 
being her husband, for the purpose of sexual intercourse; or without 
the consent of her father, mother, guardian or other person having 
legal charge of her person, for the purpose of marriage; or, 

4. Being parent, guardian or other person having legal charge of 
the person of a female under the age of eighteen years, consents to 
her taking or detaining by any person for the purpose of prostitu- 
tion or sexual intercourse. 

§ 3. This act shall take effect on the first day of September, eigh- 
teen hundred and ninety-five. 

The above is the form in which the bill was passed. The 
vote in the assembly the first time was 81 ayes to 8 nays ; in the 
senate, 22 ayes to nays. On the final vote, the bill having 
been slightly altered, the vote in the assembly was 81 ayes, 1 
nay ; in the Senate the bill passed unanimously. The governor 
signed the bill April 27. 

Ill The History of the Bill 

Albany, April 30, 1895. 
Enclosed is a copy of the bill as finally passed and signed by 
the governor last Saturday, April 27. 



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BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY. 



361 



Let me say that the bill 
has had an earnest advo- 
cate in one of your own 
sex, Miss Florence Fair- 
view, who has been active 
and zealous in its behalf 
and is entitled to much 
credit for its final success. 

The day of its intro- 
duction was the day of 
the meeting of the New 
York State Medical So- 
ciety in this city, and 
being a delegate to that 
society from my county 
it occurred to me that it 
would be a great help to 
have the endorsement of 
that body; accordingly I 
wrote the resolution a 
copy of which I sent you, 
and the next morning, in 




] 



HON. WILLIAM 



»F AKIZONW, 



BARNES, 

conference with the president and 
secretary, found them in full accord with me. The resolution 
was presented, accompanied by a few appropriate remarks, and 
was unanimously passed. Obtaining a certified copy of it I was 
armed for future work. It so happened that the very next week 
the Homceopathical Medical Society of the state also met in 

Albany. Coming up 
in the train I chanced 
to meet the secre- 
tary, with whom I was 
acquainted, and show- 
ing him a copy of the 
resolution, asked him to 
put it before his society, 
which he did, and it was 
passed by that society 
also. 

The bill has had a 
somewhat varied ex- 
perience, for while there 
has been no serious open 
opposition to it, there 
have been risks which 
ought not to have been 
iion. axcil martin, m. p., of arizo.na. incurred, and a state- 




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362 



THE ARENA. 



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.V^' l '°' ""*>*, 






1 



I 



I SECRETARY 



Win tea Stales of An /An 

Vermont « 



i 




^ . . 



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BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY. 



363 



ment of them may be of value in future to others. First, the bill 
was introduced almost simultaneously in the house and senate. 
Then some over-zealous friends gave a similar bill to two other 
gentlemen, and after my bill had been reported out of committee 
and passed in the assembly, one of the other bills was reported 
and passed in the senate, and not being identical, one had to 
give way. In the meantime my bill went to the senate and was 
passed, and the senate bill was in the assembly committee. In 
the final form in which my bill was printed and went to the gov- 
ernor one important word was plural instead of singular, and the 
result was that the bill had to be recalled from the governor, 
amended, and repassed by both assembly and senate. 

My suggestion, therefore, to the friends of this work in other 
states would be that great care be exercised. Give the measure 
into the hands of one man only, and let him urge it to final suc- 
cess. The history of the New York bill shows that the assem- 
bly passed it twice, and the senate practically three times. 
This alone would defeat a measure where there was much 
opposition. 

The gentlemen who have aided me in carrying this bill to a 
successful issue are Hon. Baxter C. Smelzer, M. D., of the sen- 
ate, and Hon. Danforth E. Ainsworth, of the assembly, the 
leader of the house. I should also mention the services of Sen- 
ator Eugene F. O'Connor, 
the chairman of the judi- 
ciary committee, before 
which committee the 
measure was considered 
in the senate. There has 
been little opposition, 
however, and no argu- 
ment on the floor. The 
work has been done 
quietly by talking with 
individual members. I 
am proud to say that the 
gentlemen of the New- 
York legislature have 
needed but little per- 
suasion to see the justice 
of this measure. One oi 
the weightiest arguments 
has been that a girl should 
not legally surrender her 
most precious possession 
without her parents' con- 




HON. M. R. MOORE, OF ARIZONA. 



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364 



THE ARENA. 



sent until she could 
legally marry without 
thatconsent; or,in other 
words, that, until the 
law declares a woman 
to be old enough to 
choose for herself, it 
shall be a crime to 
despoil her of that which 
the law supposes she is 
not old enough to know 
the value of, nor to esti- 
mate the consequences 
of its loss. One of those 
who voted against the 
measure on its first 
passage yielded to this 
argument and voted for 
the measure on its second 
and final passage. The vote on its final passage in both houses 
was practically unanimous, only one vote being recorded in the 
negative, that of John P. Madden, of Queens. 

I trust the advance step which New York has taken in this 
matter will be an incentive to other states to fall into line, and 
thus lift the standard of purity and public health throughout the 
nation. Very cordially and sincerely vours, 

GEORGE W. BRUSH, M. D., 
Assemblyman, Seventh District, Kings Co., N. Y. State. 




HON. ROBERT >'E1LL, OF IDAHO. 



Albany, May 8, 1895. 
I thank you for your words of appreciation. As a rule this 
is forgotten. Those who work hard to accomplish a result if 
they succeed must be content with the satisfaction which comes 
with final triumph ; and I have taken peculiar pleasure in this 
piece of legislative work, for I have earnestly believed in its 
righteousness. 

As to your questions : The age of majority for the convey- 
ance of real estate in this state is twenty-one years. A girl can 
convey personal property by will or otherwise at eighteen, and 
could before the nge-of-consent law was enacted marry at six- 
teen, but this law places the age at eighteen. The law does not 
take effect until Sept. 1, 1895, that being the rule in all cases of 
amendments to the code. I am more and more impressed with 
the great importance of this advance step. 
Very sincerely vours, 

GEORGE' W. BRUSH, M. D., 
Assemblyman, Seventh District, Kings County. 



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BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY. 365 

From this splendid victory in New York, we leave the 
southern and eastern states still on the Black List, and find 
that the West has far outstripped in progress all others except 
this one great eastern leader. HELEN H. GARDENER. 

ARIZONA. 

To the medical profession again do we owe much in this 
contest. To these men, who see and contend hand-to-hand with 
the ravages of that vilest of social cancers, who try generation 
after generation to stay the results of diseases whose very name 
their victims often do not know, is Arizona also indebted. Dr. 
Ancil Martin, in his address as the retiring president of the 
Arizona Medical Association in February, 1895, among other 
true and forceful things said : 

The age of consent in this territory is fourteen years. This should 
be remedied by at least fixing the age to that of the legal majority 
of women, that is twenty-one years. If a wcman in the eyes of the 
law is too young before her twenty-first birthday to manage her own 
estate or to marry without the consent of her lawful guardian, then 
she is surely too youug before that age to decide the great question 
of the barter of her virginity, that which every man demands of the 
woman he loves, and the loss of which is a cancer wiiich destroys 
all that Is good and pure in her own heart. The everlasting blight 
upon her life, the horrible shame and the ever-pointing finger of 
scorn that follows every woman who departs from the path of 
rectitude, let it be through ignorance or through the affection she 
places upon the destroyer of her hopes. Is a crying shame which 
the manliness of gentlemen should hasten to rectify. This matter 
canuot be remedied until first the laws of consent are modified, and 
second, the man made equally guilty with the woman. The law 
insists that unless the woman resist to the last the attempt of a man 
upon her honor she is guilty, and under the laws of consent the 
man is without guilt. Public sentiment also condemns the woman 
and uublushingly overlooks the man's offence. Men as lawmakers 
liiid gentlemen should blush at the injustice. Let us, therefore, 
urge the necessity of this change in the statute. 

Parents aud teachers should instruct their children in matters per- 
taining to sexuality. A woman's mind can be as pure knowing all 
the dangers that may befall her during life, as it can be were 
she cast upon the world and have these horrors come upon her with a 
shock that at once places before her mind the great sinfulness of 
the world and the bestiality of man. Place her by education in a 
position to ward off the first approach of sin, and she will then come 
in actual contact with it not nearly so often and never so closely. 
Give her knowledge that she may have some weapon of defence, at 
the same time be in a better position to aid and elevate the less 
fortunate of her sex. . . . 

While all of this may be true, it is not only possible, but a positive 
fact that because of this laxity and qua si-encouragement by the 
medical profession of the marriages of syphilitics. many marry 
who should not, and the innocent offspring of such parents must 
suffer the penalty of such a crime. Crime is not too harsh a word. 



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366 THE ARENA. 

for it is a crime for one individual by his deliberate act to deprive 
another of health, perhaps of intellect— a crime if not punishable, at 
least most shameful. . . . 

Great criminals, as great individuals in any direction, are born, 
not made. A power stronger than themselves— stronger than their 
education, which may have been good; stronger than their environ- 
ment, which may be the best— impels them on to their destruction; 
that is the power of inherited defective or diseased brain cells. 
Education and environment can greatly modify the tendency of 
inherent evil, but the inherited defective mental organ ization will 
sometimes break the bonds of its educational restraint and impel the 
individual to crime in spite of his education. There are individuals 
of defective mental organization who have absolutely no moral 
sense; who will lie, steal, and commit all manner of evils without 
in the least appreciating the enormity of their acts. These are 
among the born criminals. It is as impossible to turn them from 
their evil as to replace their diseased brain cells with new ones. 
Tracing the ancestry of this class of criminals shows that they are 
descendants of neurotics, insane, epileptics, inebriates, or some of the 
many mental derangements. This is demonstrated in the histories 
of some of our greatest crimes— the assassination of Lincoln by 
Booth; of Garfield by Guiteau; the murder of Carter Harrison by 
Prendergast; the receut attempt ou the life of the king of Italy by 
Passanaute, the families of whom were found to be highly neurotic. 

The criminal may not be such because of the circumstances that 
have governed his life, or because of the influence of his environment 
at the time of the commission of his crime; but the father at the 
time of begetting his son may have iudelibly stamped upon the 
spermatozoa the impression of his own mental condition at that 
time, and the child may have been a made-to-order criminal before 
its birth. The father might not ordinarily be of a vicious disposi- 
tion, but his mental condition at the time of copulation may have 
been influenced by some passion, great mental excitement, or he 
may have been in poor bodily health, or suffering from excesses of 
some sort, or under the influence of liquor, and have had in mind 
all the delirious fantasies of a madman. This child must constantly 
battle against his inheritance if he would lead a life equally blameless 
as that of his more fortunate brother. Because of the infallible law 
that like tends to produce like, an individual diseased physically or 
mentally passes on to his child a tendency to that physical or mental 
disease from which he is suffering, or transmits a condition so far 
removed from the normal one of health that some form of disease 
is surely developed. 

The parents are under the greatest obligations to their children, 
and children are under comparatively few to their parents. The 
child does not will itself into the world. When its intellect is so far 
developed as to reason it finds itself brought forth to struggle for 
an existence to contend against the hardships of life, through no 
volition of its own. If a child has any right, it is that it shall be 
born free and healthy, and that the parents who conceived it should 
have realized the great responsibility of creating a new life, and have 
made every effort to bring into the world a being as intelligent and as 
healthy as possible. The sins of the father shall be transmitted to 
his children even to the third and fourth generation. This is a most 
wise Biblical saying, but not sufficiently strong. The sins of the 
parents may be a lasting curse to their posterity to the end of time. 

Heredity being the foundation of all life is as great a power for 
evil as for good. Right living, education, and physical and mental 
culture may overcome to a degree the sins of ancestors. Knowl- 



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BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY. 367 

edge is not transmissible, but the influence that acquired knowledge 
has wrought upon character, that is, the individual mental peculiari- 
ties acquired by education and training and environment, may be 
transmitted. Hence all the mental and physical improvement of 
the condition to which we were born, is to be a pleasure not only to 
ourselves, but to our children and all future generations. Inebriety, 
animality, and kindred habits tend to lower man in the scale of 
life and retard progress to that high standard which nature designed 
him to ultimately occupy, and cause all misery, all pain, all suf- 
fering, and all ills of life. 

The men of Arizona responded nobly, and early in April 
there came to us the certified copy of the age-of-consent bill 
with the seal of Arizona upon it, together with this brief 
but wholly satisfactory 

Report. 

"Enclosed find a certified copy of age-of-consent bill, 
passed by the legislature recently adjourned. I think it 
will meet with your approval. This bill was presented by 
Hon. William C. Barnes, of Holbrook, Apache county. It 
received the support of every member of the house, except- 
ing Hon. J. O. Marshall, of Maricopa county, he objecting 
on the ground that there should be no age of consent, in 
other words, any unlawful intercourse should be rape. In 
the council, the bill was opposed by Babbitt of Coconino 
county and Aspinwall of Apache county, reasons not 
known. Hon. William C. Barnes, of Apache county, was the 
gentleman who formulated and introduced the bill; and 
Hon. W. R. Moore, of Pinal county, was active in procuring 
its passage." 

Penal Code y Revised (Statutes^ Arizona. 

Section 423. Rape is an act of sexual intercourse accomplished 
with a female, not a wife of the perpetrator, under either of the 
following circumstances: 

1. Where the female is under the age of fourteen [now eighteen] 
years. 

2. Where she is incapable, through lunacy or any other unsound- 
ness of mind, whether temporary or permanent, of giving legal con- 
sent. 

3- Where she resists, but her resistance is overcome by force or 
violence. 

4. Where she is prevented from resisting by threats of immediate 
and great bodily harm, accompanied by apparent power of execu- 
tion, .or by any Intoxicating narcotic or anaesthetic substance, 
administered by or with the privity of the accused. 

5. Where she is at the time unconscious of the nature of the act, 
and this is known to the accused. 

6. Where she submits, under a belief that the person committing 
the act is her husband, and this belief Is induced by any artifice, pre- 
tence, or concealment practised by the accused, with intent to induce 
such belief. 



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368 THE ARENA. 

Section 426. Rape is punishable by confinement in the territorial 
prison for life, or for any term of years not less than five. 

AN ACT 

Relating to the Age of Consent. 

Be it enacted by the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Arizona: 

Section 1. In line one, section 423, chapter 1, of Title ix, Revised 
Statutes of Arizona, in that part known as the Penal Code, the 
word "fourteen" is amended to read "eighteen." 

Section 2. This act to be in force from and after its passage. 

Section 3. All acts or parts of acts in conflict with this are hereby 
repealed. 

A. J. DORAN, President. J. H. CARPENTER, Speaker. 

Approved this 19th day of March, A. D., 1895. 

LOUIS C. HUGHES, Governor. 
Filed in the office of the Secretary of the Territory of Arizona 
this 20th day of March, A. D., 1895, at 3 P. M. 

CHARLES M. BRUCE, Secretary. 
By F. B. DEVEREUX, Assistant. 

IDAHO. 

Next in order is Idaho, and since many states have sent 
to us for good bills, and others have written saying they 
will need the best possible bills for their next session, and 
since this Idaho bill is brief and simple and direct, I give 
it, together with the report sent by its author in response 
to our request: 

Legislatube of the State op Idaho Third Session 

H. B. No. 73. 

In the House op Representatives. 

By NeilL 

AN ACT 

To amend Section 6765 of the Revised Statutes so as to 
raise the age of consent to seventeen * years. 

Be it enacted by the Legislature of the State of Idaho: 

Section 1. That Section 6765 of the Revised Statutes is hereby 
amended to read as follows: 

Section 6765. Rape is an act of sexual intercourse accomplished with 
a female not the wife of the perpetrator, under either of the following 
circumstances: 

1. Where the female is under the age of seventeen years. 

2. When she is incapable through lunacy, or any other unsoundness 
of mind, whether temporary or permanent, of giving legal consent. 

3. Where she resists, but her resistance is overcome by force or 
violence. 

4. Where she is prevented from resisting by threats of Immediate and 
great bodily harm, accompanied by apparent power of execution; or by 
any intoxicating narcotic, or anaesthetic substance administered by or 
with the privity of the accused. 

* Amended to read eighteen. 

I- 



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BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY. 369 

6 Where she is at the time unconscious of the nature of the act, and 
this is known to the accused. 

6. Where she submits under a belief that the person committing the 
act is her husband, and the belief is induced by artifice, pretence or 
concealment practised by the accused, with intent to induce such 
belief. 

§ 2. All acts, so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions of 
this act, are hereby repealed. 

Passed. The former age was 14. 

i. Report of Representative NeiU. 

Your information as to my being the member who intro- 
duced and secured the passage of the age-of-consent bill in 
the Idaho legislature is correct 

The bill was a house bill, for an act to amend section 67G5 
of the Revised Statutes of the state of Idaho, so as to raise 
the age of consent to eighteen (from fourteen) years. The 
bill passed as introduced at eighteen years. There was no 
other bill on the same subject introduced. 

The penalty for rape in our state is incarceration in the 
penitentiary for a year or more, to ten, depending upon the 
aggravating circumstances surrounding the case. 

My bill did receive some opposition in the house, but when 
the opponents saw that there was such a determined effort 
on the part of the friends of the bill to pass it, they retired 
and set up an opposition in the senate, where they hoped 
to defeat it When the bill came up in the senate it was 
referred to its appropriate committee, a member of which 
Vincent Bierbower (Republican), from the town of 
Shoshone in Logan county, moved to strike out the words 
and figures eighteen (18) and insert in lieu thereof the words 
and figures sixteen (16) years. In support of his motion he 
stated that in looking over the list of the different states of 
the Union, he found that sixteen years would be the aver- 
age, and that we should be governed by the action of the 
majority of our sister states in matters of this nature, and 
not act independently and alone when there was such a 
departure from the general rules or custom of other states 
as desired by the supporters of my bill. 

In reply to Senator Bierbower, Senator Edward Boyce, 
of Wardner, Shoshone county, Idaho (Populist), stated on 
the floor of the senate that Senator Bierbower was either 
trying to deceive the members of that body or he had not 
looked the matter up to be sufficiently well posted to state 
the facts correctly; there were no states in which the age 
of consent was over eighteen, only one or two as high as 
eighteen; very few states where it was as high as sixteen 



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370 THE ARENA. 

or seventeen, while the great majority were very far below 
even fourteen; and that no mathematical calculations would 
warrant Senator Bierbower in his conclusion. We all have 
too high a regard for Senator Bierbower's intelligence to 
think that he didn't know that sixteen years would not be 
the average age of consent, as he stated it would be. Sena- 
tor Bierbower is a lawyer by profession and of such recog- 
nized ability as to be the attorney for the Union Pacific 
R. R. for his section of the state. 

When the vote was taken on the amendment, it prevailed; 
all the Republicans voted aye on it, while the one Democrat 
(there being only one Democrat in the senate) and every 
Populist senator voted against the Bierbower amendment* 

The political complexion of the Idaho State senate is 
eleven Republicans, six Populists, and one Democrat, who 
was elected on a fusion with the Republicans. 

Now when the W. C. T. U. people found out that the 
senate had been guilty of so great a crime they began in 
earnest to work and talk, beg and pray that the senate 
would reconsider the vote by which they substituted sixteen 
for eighteen years. The W. C. T. U. enlisted all the good 
people who had not already been at work (both men and 
women) to try and prevail upon the members .of the senate 
to reconsider their vote on the bill. Among the 
good women who worked and labored for a reconsideration 
of the senate vote was Mrs. Rebecca. Mitchell. No one did 
more to secure the enactment of the law as we now have it, 
making it a penitentiary offence to entice and ruin our girl- 
children ; and I thank all the good women and men for their 
work in this direction. The W. C. T. U. people did great 
and good work in this matter, and are doing more to raise 
the morals of our state than anybody else. The senate did 
reconsider their vote and raised the age again to eighteen 
years, where it was as passed in the house. 

• It will be observed that while all the negative votes in New York were Demo- 
cratic, all in Idaho were Republican. It will also be observed that a new method of 
argument and a whollv original reason for defeatinp the bill were here used. It is 
fortunate for Idaho that her legislators were sufficiently well-informed as to the laws 
of the other states to be able to meet this insidious form of argument promptly, and 

Erove its entire falsity in a manner which reacted disastrously upon the le^al mem- 
er who attempted bv a misstatement of fact to defeat the bill. The four leading op- 
ponents of the bill were Charles A. Myer, of Placervillc; Oeorpe D. Golden, Rocky 
Bar; Robert S.Browne, Moscow; Vincent Bierbower, Shoshone. The most hearty 
supporters of the bill were Robert Neill, Wallace; James Hanrahan. Challis ; Tannfs 
E. Miller, Genesee; John E. Recs, Lemhi Apency; Cassius M. Day, Lewiston; Henry 
Heltfeld, Kendrick; Edward Bovce, Wardner; John E. Steen, Murray ; Gilbert F. 
Smith, Meadows; Joseph D. Dalv, Hunter; Albert Walters, Hailey; Wilford W. 
Clark, Montpelier; Robert V. Cozier, Blackfoot; John L. Smith, Oakley; John J. 
McCarthy, Challis; Willis J. Hicks. Challis; Joshua G. Rowton, Granpeville: Wil- 
liam L. Thompson, Mason ; John S. Randolph, Palouse, Wash. ; Ira S. Waring, Soldier; 
Charles C. Vance, Salmon City ; Richard J. Monroe, Lewiston ; Thoma3 A. Davis, 
Malad; John T. Bennett, Silver City; John J, Sanders, Burke; James D. Young, 
Wallace; H&rley L. Hughes, Gem. — H. H. G, 



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- BATTLE FOR SOUND MORALITY 371 

The Populist party as a party in our state is pledged to 
this class of legislation, and the Populist members tried 
hard to live up to the pledges of the party on this subject 
I think that by the enactment of laws of this kind in every 
state in this great government, we should do more to elevate 
and purify our race than in any other way. A girl-child 
would not be ruined before she could reason, and our homes 
would not be entered by the low, licentious, and hellish 
seducers, who would make them desolate, and in many cases 
cause mothers and fathers with heavy and broken hearts to 
long for the time when the grave would open and hide them 
and their shame and grief. 

Yes, I might say more, but I will not, feeling assured that 
the ARENA and the other good journals and people will 
never rest satisfied and stop work till much more good shall 
have been accomplished in this direction. 

Senator Vincent Bierbower, mentioned above as leading 
the opposition, was honored by the Republican members of 
our state senate by being elected president pro tern, of that 
body. 

Enclosed you will please find a roster, of the present 
members of the Idaho legislature, marked so as to show you 
how each member voted and also the active and passive 
workers. John J. McCarthy, Populist, was the best support 
I had, although the others named did splendid work. 

Thanking you for the honor you have conferred on me 
thus far in your endorsement of my honest and humble 
work, I remain 

Yours very respectfully, 

ROBERT NEILL. 



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THE TELEGRAPH IN ENGLAND. 



BY JUDGE WALTEE CLARK. 



As taxes upon the diffusion of intelligence among men and 
deficiencies in the postal service affect everyone, I condense 
the following from the official report on the workings of the 
government telegraph in England made to our government 
by the United States consul at Southampton, Eng., and 
printed in the last number of the "Consular Reports." He 
says: 

On Jan. 29, 1870, all the telegraphs in the United King- 
dom were acquired by the government from the corpora- 
tions which had previously operated them, and thencefor- 
ward became an integral part of the postoffice. The Eng- 
lish people owed this great measure in their interest, like so 
many others, to Mr. Gladstone, who bore down all opposition 
from the companies, who were making big profits. Till 
then the districts paying best had ample service, though 
at high rates (as is still the case with us), while whole sec- 
tions off the lines of railway were destitute of telegraphic 
facilities. The government at once extended the telegraph 
to all sections and reduced the rate to one cent a word. The 
following is the result. In 1870, under private ownership, 
seven million individual messages and twenty-two million 
words of press dispatches were annually sent. Now that 
the telegraph is operated by the postoffice the annual num- 
ber of individual messages sent is sevenfy millions (ten 
times as many), and over six hundred million words of press 
dispatches (thirty times as many) are used. This at a 
glance demonstrates the overwhelming benefit to the public 
of the change and their appreciation of it 

The press rates have been reduced so low that every 
weekly country paper can afford to print the latest tele- 
graphic dispatches as it goes to press, and a telegraph or 
telephone is at every country postoffice. In London the 
telegraph has largely superseded the mail for all the small 
and necessary details of life — to announce that you are 
going to dine at a certain house, or to inform your wife that 
you are detained on business and not to keep dinner waiting, 
and the like — over thirty thousand telegrams being sent 
daily in that city alone. 



372 



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THE TELEGRAPH IN ENGLAND. 373 

The following is quoted from the consul verbatim: 
"The service is performed with the most perfect punctuality. 
It is calculated that the average time employed to-day in 
the transmission of a telegram between two commercial 
cities in England varies from seven to nine minutes, while 
in 1870 (under private ownership) two to three hours were 
necessary. 

"The rate of one cent a word includes delivery within the 
postal limits of any town or within one mile of the postoffice 
in the country. Beyond that limit the charge is twelve 
cents per mile for delivery of a message. The telegraph 
being operated as a constituent part of the postal service 
it is not possible to state how much profit the government 
receives from it, but the English government does not con- 
sider that it should be treated as a source of revenue. It 
regards it a means of information and education for the 
masses and gives facilities of all kinds for its extension in 
all directions." 

This unbiased and impartial report, officially made to our 
government, is worthy of thought and 'consideration. It 
may be added that in every civilized country except this, 
the telegraph has long since been adopted as one of the 
indispensable agencies of an up-to-date postoffice depart- 
ment Even in half-civilized Paraguay (as we deem it) they 
have better postal facilities than we, for the postoffice 
there transmits telegrams at one cent a word and rents out 
telephones at one dollar per month. 

At present, owing to high rates, forty-six per cent of all 
telegrams in this country are sent by speculators (who 
thus get an advantage over producers) and only eight per 
cent are social or ordinary business messages. In Belgium, 
where the government rate is less than one cent per mes- 
sage, the social and ordinary business messages between 
man and man are sixty-three per cent of the whole. 
Figures could not be more eloquent as to the vast benefit 
this confers upon the great mass of people, who bear the 
bulk of the burdens of any government and receive so few 
of its benefits. With the telegraphs and telephones ope- 
rated by our postoffice department at moderate rates, say 
five or even ten cents per message, a similar change would 
take place here. Individual and news messages would 
increase tenfold to thirtyfold, as elsewhere — probably more 
— and the monopoly now held by speculators would cease. 

The average telegraph rate now charged in this country, 
by the reports to congress, is thirty-one cents per mes- 
sage — three times the average rate in all other countries 



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374 THE ARENA. 

under postoffice telegraph service; and experts say that our 
government could probably afford, with the vast increase 
of business, a uniform rate of five cents, as the average cost 
of a message is about three cents. According to experts 
the telegraph plants now in use could be superseded by the 
government with a superior plant at 115,000,000, while 
the present corporations are strangling commerce to earn 
heavy dividends on a watered stock of over 1150,000,000. 

According to English experience the transfer of the tele- 
graph to the postoffice department would result in (1) a uni- 
form rate of ten cents for ten words, between all points, or 
possibly less; (2) an increase in individual messages of at 
least ten for every one now sent; (3) an increase in press dis- 
patches of thirty words or more for every one now sent; (4) 
a popularization of the telegraph for all uses, social or 
business; (5) an increase in the promptness of delivery, the 
average there being now seven to nine minutes as against 
two to three hours formerly; (6) no section would be desti- 
tute, but at each one of our seventy thousand postoffices 
there would be a telephone or a telegraph. By adopting the 
telephone at most postoffices, instead of the telegraph, the 
increase in the number of postoffice employees would be 
inconsiderable. 

The vast influence of the great telegraph monopoly can be 
used for political purposes by coloring news and in other 
more direct ways. When the telegraph service is made a 
part of the postoffice and placed under civil-service rules 
and subject to the direct force of public opinion, the experi- 
ence in other countries has been that it exerts no more 
power on party politics than the army or judiciary. Origi- 
nally the telegraph (in 1846) belonged to the postoffice. 
When it was abandoned to private corporations on account 
of its supposed expense, Henry Clay, Cave Johnson, and 
other leaders of both parties had the foresight to foretell 
the mischief done in abandoning an essential governmental 
function to private monopoly. 

To prevent this great benefit being given to the masses 
and to preserve to consolidated capital the control of the 
most efficient avenues of intelligence with the great advan- 
tages thus given that element, in addition to the enormous 
tolls it can thus levy on the rest of the nation, there is 
practically only the inexorable will of one powerful and 
exacting corporation which has fastened itself on the body 
politic It is the oldest trust in this countrty. It is the 
pioneer on which so many others have been patterned. It is 
the most burdensome because its oppressive tolls restrict 



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THE TELEGRAPH IN ENGLAND. 875 

communication between men and levy a tax on knowledge. 
It is illegal, since the constitution requires congress to estab- 
lish the postoffice, to leave this most essential function of a 
modern, up-to-date postal service in the hands of private 
corporations. 

The telegraph is a source of gigantic emoluments to these 
corporations, while the government restricts its postal ser- 
vices to antiquated and more dilatory processes. It is no 
wonder that such a postal service is not self-sustaining and 
shows an annual deficit while the telegraph companies pay 
enormous dividends. In other countries, where the tele- 
graph is a part of the postoffice, that department shows 
annual profits; but the monopoly fastened on us is 
intrenched in the sympathy of all other trusts. It has the 
support of the large city dailies (all owned by large capital- 
ists) who fear the competition of dailies in small towns 
and of the weeklies if news should become free, and its 
transmission cheaper, over a government postal telegraph. 
It is backed by the powerful lobby which it constantly main- 
tains at Washington, paid out of the excessive telegraphic 
rates still exacted in this country alone out of a long-suf- 
fering and too patient people. And not least, it is said that 
it distributes franks to every senator and every member 
of congress. How many accept these favors and how many 
are influenced by them no one knows except the corporation 
officials, but that they do know may be seen from the fact 
that tenders of such favors have not ceased. 



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AN ARBITRATION TREATY BETWEEN GREAT 
BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES.* 



BY PROFESSOR GEORGE H. EMMOTT. 



The part taken by Great Britain in a series of transac- 
tions now extending over some seven or eight years estab- 
lishes, I believe, in the clearest possible manner the desire 
on the part of a large portion of the electorate of the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to enter into a per- 
manent treaty, providing for the settlement of all inter- 
national disputes which may hereafter arise between that 
country and the United States, not involving the existence 
of the national life, by means of arbitration. 

I should like in the first place to quote verbatim the 
memorial signed by three hundred and fifty-four members 
of the British House of Commons and recently presented to 
the President and Congress of this country. It is in these 
words: 
In response to the resolution adopted by Congress on April 4th, 1890, 
the British House of Commons, supported in its decision by Mr. Glad- 
stone, on June l*>th, 1893, unanimously affirmed its willingness to co- 
operate with the government of the United States in settling disputes 
between the two countries by means of arbitration. The undersigned 
members of the British parliament, while cordially thanking Con- 
gress for having, by its resolution, given such an Impetus to the move- 
ment and called forth such a response from our government, earnestly 
hope that Congress will foUow up its resolution, and crown its desire 
by inviting our government to join in framing a treaty which shall 
bind the two nations to refer to arbitration disputes which diplomacy 
fails to adjust. Should such a proposal be made, our heartiest efforts 
would be used in its support, and we shall rejoice that the United 
States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
Ireland have resolved to set such a splendid example to the other 
nations of the world. 

Three hundred and fifty-four members of the British 
House of Commons have thus indicated in a formal manner 
to the United States that, in their belief, the initiative 
should come from her. They have expressed a willingness 

• This article is the substance of an address delivered before a convention at Lake 
Mohonk, June 6. 1895, called to consider tbe question of influencing public opinion in 
favor of the settlement of international disputes by means of arbitration. 

376 



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AN ARBITRATION TREAT?. 377 

to use every legitimate means to urge the matter upon the 
attention of their own government as soon as any move is 
made by the government of the United States, and 
they have promised to do their very best to obtain a hearty 
cooperation on the part of their own government with any 
measure of practical importance which may be suggested 
by the government of the United States. 

The significance of this movement on the part of three 
hundred and fifty-four members of the British House of 
Commons can hardly be overestimated. A careful perusal 
of the names shows that amongst the signers were men of 
every shade of political belief. There are, as one would 
expect to be the case, a large number of Liberals, including 
the Right Honorable Sir John Lubbock, the Right Honora- 
ble C. P. Villiers, the lifelong friend and associate of Cobden 
and Bright, and many others; but the list also contains the 
names of Sir Richard Webster, the late Conservative attor- 
ney-general, widely known and universally respected as one 
of the leading members of the English common-law bar, and 
a large number of the leading Liberal Unionists. 

Now, speaking as an Englishman, and yet as one a very 
large part of the last ten years of whose professional life 
has been spent in the service of one of the great universities 
of the United States, in close contact at Baltimore, Washing- 
ton and elsewhere with much of what is best and noblest 
in your noble country, and loving it, as I have long since 
learned to do, next only to my own, I have no hesitation in 
saying that this memorial expresses the heartfelt sentiment 
of a large part not only of the House of Commons, but also 
of the British electorate. 

This memorial was in no sense a suggestion of the British 
government as such. I do not see attached to it — I hardly 
should expect to see attached to it — the names of any of the 
more prominent members of the British cabinet. I am 
inclined to believe that this is a movement on the part of the 
great masses of the British people, who realize very fully 
that their interests are one with those of the people of the 
United States. 

Now, if I may be excused for referring for a moment to 
my own personal history, I think I can show that, from the 
various circumstances in w T hich I have been placed, I am in 
a rather peculiarly favorable position to know something 
about the wants and feelings of the laboring classes in Eng- 
land. Born and brought up in one of the great manufactur- 
ing centres of industry of the north of England; living 
there, with the exception of my school, college, and univer- 



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878 THE AKBNA. 

sity life, until close upon thirty years of age; and from then 
down to the present time spending a substantial part of each 
year in the same place, where my father, a large employer of 
labor, lived until the close of his active life, and where two 
of my brothers still live, I may say that I have all my life 
lived either amongst or in close contact with the laboring 
classes of the north of England. 

Consequently I know what I am talking about when I say 
that the feeling of the great body of the people in Great 
Britain is entirely different towards the people of the United 
States from their feeling towards the people of any other 
country. I regret to say that I believe the average English- 
man might not be unwilling, in the event of certain circum- 
stances arising, to make considerable sacrifices in order to 
engage in a war with France; but I believe that he would 
be extremely unwilling to raise a hand, however great the 
provocation, against this country, which he justly regards 
as connected with his own by so many ties. 

I hope that I have now made it abundantly clear that the 
feeling in England now is that the next step should come 
from the United States. I hope I may not be thought dis- 
courteous when I say that many of my countrymen believe 
that Great Britain has gone far enough. Everything there- 
fore depends upon the attitude of the United States. Great 
Britain is ready, as she has abundantly testified, to coope- 
rate heartily in any feasible scheme which may be proposed 
by the government of the United States for the practical 
solution of this question of judicial decision. 

On the reading in the House of Representatives of the 
memorial to which I have referred, Mr. W. J. Coombs, on 
January 19th last, moved the following resolution: 

Whereas, in response to the resolution adopted by Congress on April 
4, 1890, the British House of Commons, on June 16, 1893, unanimously 
affirmed its willingness to co-Operate with the government of the 
United States in settling disputes between the two countries by 
means of arbitration; therefore 

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
take such further steps in the matter, in order to secure the results 
contemplated in those resolutions, as to him may seem expedient; and 
to that end, if he deems it necessary or expedient, he is authorized to 
appoint commissioners to meet an equal number appointed by the 
government of Great Britain to negotiate a treaty to accomplish the 
purposes of said resolutions. 




This resolution, together with the memorial, was refera 
to the committee on foreign affairs, and there, I beli^ro, it 
has since remained, and I think it is very important .that the 
people and press of this country should use their influence 



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AN ARBITRATION TREATY. 879 

to urge suitable action on the part of the President and, if 
necessary, on the part of Congress at the earliest possible 
opportunity. 

In England at the present time, out of every twenty shill- 
ings collected in the shape of imperial taxation, something 
like sixteen shillings and sixpence goes towards the expense 
of armaments, past and present; while only something 
like three shillings and sixpence goes towards the support 
of the various objects of a non-warlike character that press 
for constant attention. When I went, some two or three 
years ago, to the library of the British Museum, to look up 
some topic of special interest in the field of comparative 
jurisprudence, I found that the books published in France 
and Germany, and even some published in England, during 
the last three or four years had not been purchased. On 
inquiry I was told that the government had found it 
necessary to cut down by £10,000, or nearly $50,000, 
the grant made every year to the library of the 
Museum. In fact, it is not too strong an expres- 
sion to say that the present condition of things in 
France, Germany, and even in England is only one degree 
better than that of actual war. Italy is already practically 
bankrupt; Russia, there is reason to fear, is not far from it 

While I hope that we may earnestly strive towards the 
establishment of a permanent tribunal, consisting of repre- 
sentatives of all the great civilized powers, as an ideal to be 
steadily looked to and striven towards, yet most assuredly 
we ought now to do that which is present to our hands. It 
has taken much hard and laborious work for many years 
to bring the British people to the point at which they now 
are, and this is the point where rests, for the present at any 
rate, the solution of this question. If the offer which 
Great Britain has made to the United States be not 
accepted, if it be even left over indefinitely, the cause of 
international arbitration may receve a setback from which 
it will take a very great number of years to recover. If, on 
the other hand, we can bring this matter to a satisfactory 
conclusion between these two great countries, the cause of 
international arbitration will have taken a great step 
onwards. 

Not only have we, as Dr. Austin Abbott has shown, the 
precedent of the supreme court of the United States admin- 
istering many widely differing systems of law, but also in 
England we have that of the judicial committee of the privy 
council which tries cases involving even more widely differ- 
ing systems of law than those which exist within the con- 



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380 THE ABBNA. 

fines of the United States. To-day the judicial committee 
of the privy council may be engaged with an appeal from 
Lower Canada, based entirely on French Law; to-morrow 
it may be engaged with the construction of an English 
statute, or with the application of the equitable principles 
laid down by the court of chancery; the next day with an 
ecclesiastical appeal from an English court; and the day 
following with an appeal from the furthest removed British 
colony on the face of the globe. With such precedents 
English and American lawyers can surely try all cases that 
can possibly arise between two nations which have, to a 
very large extent, the same system of common law, and 
whose jurists are on terms of constant association and con- 
sultation with one another. 

Each of the three obstacles referred to by Dr. Abbott 
under the heads of love of contention, material interests, 
and the large degree of approbation given by society to the 
war system, applies with tenfold force in a country like 
Great Britain. The latter point is one which it is almost 
impossible to overestimate. Owing to the union between 
the Anglican church and the state, the pulpit in England is 
not a force against war; rather I should say, great as its 
service is in many ways, the pulpit of the Anglican church 
is almost without exception the friend and the ally of war. 
The best and most devoted Anglican clergymen are found 
blessing colors, and in other ways lending the sanction of 
their consecrated office to a system closely associated with 
the state. 

I feel that it is of the greatest importance that something 
should be done now in this matter. From the close con- 
tact that I have with my native land, I feel that the like 
opportunity may never occur again. And I can conceive of 
no nobler work than to take any step, however small, to 
bring together these two countries, which are being every 
day knit more closely together. I can conceive of no 
higher or more sacred duty, no higher blessing, for any man 
or any woman, than to take a share in cementing that 
union, which — broken for a time by circumstances which 
we all regret, by circumstances for which each was partly 
to blame — every day and every hour tends to make more per- 
manent, and to bind together in a tie never again to be 
broken as long as this world lasts. To use his or her influ- 
ence, however small, towards the attainment of this end 
ought to be the object of every man or woman who desires 
to hasten the time when "war shall be no more." 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 



BY PROF. FRANK PARSONS. 



Part I. Electric Light (Continued). 

§2. The Remarkable Economies Effected by Public Ownership 
attract the attention of the investigator even more emphatically 
than the chaotic condition of private charges. Look at the 
facts. 

Table X. 

Cost per lamp per year before and after public ownership, the " after" service being 
the same as or better than the service it replaced. 

Before. After. 

Bangor, Me $150 $48 

Lewiston, Me 182 55 

Peabody, Mass 185 62 

Bay City, Mich 110 58 

Huntington, Ind 146 50 

Goshen, Ind 156 77 

Blooraington, 111 Ill 51 

Chicago, 111 . 250 96* 

Elgin, 111 266 43 

Aurora, 111 326 70 

Fairfield, la 378 70 

Marshalltown, la 125 27 

Jacksonville, Fla 24 5 

Look well at these marvellous facts, — a difference sometimes 
of five-sixths between the two payments, before and after ; in 
one case, more that five-sixths; in two cases, more than four- 

•The statements of Table X rest upon official reports and returns of municipal offi- 
cers. The figures of the " after " column represent the cost per lamp per year as ascer- 
tained in the first two or three years after public ownership began, except where 
subsequent years show a higher cost than the early years, in which case the said 
higher yearly cost has been taken. As a rule the cost in later years is less than 
the cost in the first years of public ownership ; for example the present cost per lamp 
per year in Bangor is only $34, in Lewiston $43, in Bay City $46, etc. The case of Chi- 
cago is peculiar. The public plant was started in 1887. Census bulletin 100 places 
the cost in Chicago at $68 per lamp, but this is the average rate for all the electric 
lamps, rented as well as public, and of all candle powers. Professor Ely's " Problems 
of To-day," third edition, in an appendix written in 1890, puts the cost in Chicago at $55. 
In 1803 and 1894, the department reports make the cost $96. Mr. Foster, Prof. Meyers, 
and M. J. Francisco make the cost much higher, but as we shall see hereafter, their 
methods of calculation will not bear examination either in the light of reason or 

381 



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382 THE ARENA. 

fifths ; in five cases oyer three-fourths ; in eight oases oyer two- 
thirds; and more than one-half in every case bat one. The 
detailed analyses set forth in § 3 of this report show that the 
44 After w column correctly represents the total cost of produc- 
tion, operation, depreciation, insurance, everything but taxes, 

authority, and give results totally at variance with the experience of electric light 

Jlants, private as well as public. Chief Walker of Philadelphia has just come 
rom a visit to Chicago, and he informs me that Professor Barrett told him they were 
running the lamps now at a cost of $79 a year, and the chief added that $86 or $90 a 



year ought to cover interest, depredation, and all, even in the Chicago plant, which 
b a very costly one— the wires oeing underground, and only a little more than half 
the capacity in use. The following letter from Prof. Edward W. Bemis tall* the trna 
story of Chicago's light plant. 



University of Chicago, Hay 29, 1896. 
Dear P*of. Parsons: The public-owned Chicago electric-light plant works under a 
great disadvantage from not Deing able to secure from the legislature a permit to sell 
commercial light. Therefore it has only one lamp for each 600 feet of wire. A mile 
of wire dissipates as much energy as a 2,000 candle-power light. The men are only 
worked eight hours, are paid $2 a day and two shifts are employed, while the private 

Slant works one shift and pays less— $36 to $60 a month. The private company lights 
J lamps for $137 each, in the district where wires have to be buried, and by a new con- 
tract 230 lamps at $106 a year each in other parts of the city. The cost of the city- 
owned lights, nearly all of which are in the district where wires have to be buried, is 
about $96, and would be much less if the plant could be fully utilized. This includes, 
Chief Barrett claims, such full yearly repairs and improvements as to cover all depre- 
ciation, but not interest. The Private company agrees to light the few street lamps it 
has charge of, at a reasonable figure in order to secure the chance to do commercial 
lighting at one cent an hour per 16 candle-power-light, over four times what the chief 
of the public-owned works says the city plant could do it for. 

As to political influences, Mr. Frank Barrett has been in charge of the electrical 
work of the city for thirty-three years, and his assistant. Mr. D. M. Hyland. has served 
the city twenty-one years, while the experts in charge of each of the four city stations 
keep their places in aU administrative changes. The common labor has been changed 
with each new mayor, but the city by 45,000 majority hasjust adopted rigid civil ser- 
vice rules for every class of employees. The people of Chicago, afraid of the bug- 
bear of socialism or ignorant of the vast superiority for commercial lighting of the 
city plant, whose possibilities seem never to oe adequately written up in the papers, 
are asleep, while corporate influence prevents the securing of a permit for commer- 
cial lighting. Very heartily, 

Bdwabd W. Bemis. 

Referring to Chief Barrett's report for 1894, p. 164, we find that the labor cost per 
lamp was $62.60. If the public plant had treated its labor in the fashion followed by 
the private companies — if it had employed one shift at $36 to $60 a month instead of 
two shifts with short hours at $2 a day —the labor cost per lamp would have been but 
$17.50 and the total cost per lamp per year $61. That is really the figure we are en- 
titled to put in the after column or Table X for the Chicago rate under public owner- 
ship. The city receives two services from its public light plant— the production of 
light, and the lifting of labor. The former alone (which is all it received for the $260 
it used to pay the private companies) now costs it $61. If it abandoned the other ser- 
vice and put labor back on the private enterprise level, it could get its light for $61 a 
lamp ; wherefore the other $36 (of the $96 total) is not really paid for lieht but for the 
elevation of labor. For $61 a lamp Chicago gets the light without the lifting of labor 
—the same service for which it used to pay the private companies $260 a lamp and 
with all the reducing effect of growing public ownership, still pays $137 a lamp ; while 
St. Louis, with no public plant in its borders, obtains the same lamp for $76 a year. 
This, and the refusal to let Chicago's plant sell light to the citizens, and the changes 
of labor in the public works, are due to political causes. Labor should be steady, the 
plant should be operated to its full capacity, and the public system should be greatly 
extended. There are 18,600 arcs and 433,400 incandescent lamps in Chicago and the 
city plant runs but 1110 lamps,— small plant, run half capacity, no day load, only 
night load for street lamps, and superintendent's control of labor hampered by poli- 
tics. Like nearly every public interest in Chicago, the light plant has been rendered 
comparatively inefficient by the demoralizing influence of a corrupt government: 
and yet it has cut the cost or arc lamps down to one-fourth of what it used to be, and 
is able to reduce the price of incandescent* to one-fourth of the present rates. 

It is to be hoped that the recent powerful awakening of civic patriotism, and the 
triumph of the reform element in Chicago may remove the political fetters from the 
managers of her public business, and permit them to make a record worthy of their 
ability, and of the city's reputation for enterprise and capacity. It is to be carefully 
noted that tip fact tjja* Chicago does not manage her light plant as well as many 



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the people's lamps. 383 

which amount on the average to only $2 a lamp, and are more 
than offset in many cases by the superiority of the public service 
over that formerly obtained from the private companies. For 
example, the Fairfield lamps used to run to midnight on the 
moon schedule, now they run att night on the moon schedule ; 
so Lewiston's lamps ran only to midnight before public owner- 
ship, afterwards they ran all night and every night. 

Imagine a city, one year paying a private company $200 or 
$300 for a street lamp, and the next year making the light 
itself at a total cost of from $40 to $70. Is it not an object- 
lesson of most wonderful power? The tax-payers of the world 
will not fail to see its force. 



Those who oppose public ownership complain that the reports of municipal plants 
do not pay proper attention to fixed charges— interest, taxes, depreciation, and in- 
surance. It is quite true that these matters, except the last, receive little or no ex- 



tenance and operation, strictly so-called, but insurance (wherever the municipality 
thinks it best to insure, as most of the towns and smaller cities do) and also the cost 
of labor and materials used in making many little extensions and improvements, 
which really belong in the investment account, and which, together with the replace- 
ment of new for old, incident to ordinary repairs, more than balances the depreciation 
of machinery, buildings, poles, etc. (See { 3, for the proof of this.) The taxes 
lost by making the enterprise a public one amount to very little— not more than $2 
a year per standard arc on the average (see §3) —an item that, as we have said, 
is more than balanced in many of the cities of Table X by the superiority of the pub- 
lic service over that formerly received from private companies. 

Interest is the sole remaining item of the complaint, and with public ownership. 
Interest Is not an element of the cost of production. If the public plant is free of 
debt, no Interest is paid. If the council should say, " The lamps cost $60 an arc for 
running expenses, and $10 more for interest, so we must levy $60 an arc on the tax- 
payers, the result would be the same— the $00 wouW be disbursed on account of 
electric lights, and the $10 would go back into the pockets of the people, and the effect 
would be the same as if no interest were calculated on electric light. It is one of the 

other cities, is not an argument against public ownership of electric light, any more 
than the fact that she does not manage her streets as well as many other cities is an 
argument against public ownership of streets — it is an argument for good government 
In Chicago in each case. The fact that a certain married man does not act as well as 
other married men because he is under the influence of an evil woman, is no argument 
against marriage per se, nor even against that particular marriage, for maybe he was 
a great deal more under the evil influence before he was married than after. That Is 
the case with Chicago— compared with herself, before and after, she makes a good 
showing for public ownership. Whether with private ownership or public, she Is 
worse off than most other cities under the same system. But she is better off with 
public ownership than she was with private. Her record with public ownership is not 
as good as it ought to be, but it is far better than her record with private ownership 
of corporations and monopolies. 

It may be well to state nere that all the plants of Table X confine themselves to 
street lighting, except the Peabody and Jacksonville plants. In Feabody the superin- 
tendent Is able to separate with satisfactory accuracy, the cost of the street lamps 
from the cost of commercial lighting. In Jacksonville, the lamps are incandescent. 
The private company has been charging $24 a year for all-night service. The public 
plant, which has just been built, offers to supply the same service at $9, and the cost 
of operation is estimated at less than $5 a year. The commissioners have carefully 
studied the workings of municipal plants, and are confident of a good profit at the 
prices they advertise. The plant does not aim to be entirely cooperative — it Is coop- 
erative in respect to the street lamps, but expects a profit from commercial lighting. 
This expectation of the commissioners is fully confirmed by the tables in the next 
section of this report. AH the plants of Table X except that of Jacksonville, have 
been a considerable time in operation, and the figures given are the results of actual 
experience on the spot. Most places that possess municipal plants did not have any 
electric light until the public plant was built. If it had not been for this circum- 
stance, Table X would be much longer than it is, It is long enough, however, to tell 
Its story pretty effectively. 



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384 THE ARENA. 

advantages of public ownership that the people get the interest and profits, so that in 
effect they get the service free of interest or profit charges : instead of paying inter- 
est and profits to somebody else, -who retains them, the people pay interest and profits 
to themselves (if any such formal payments are made at all), which is equivalent to 



paying no interest or profit. In estimating the fair selling price of light under ordi- 
nary competitive conditions a reasonable interest ought to be added, but on entering 
the domain of public enterprise, free of debt, we leave interest behind. If all the 
means of production were held in common, there would be no such thing as interest at 
all. The cost of production in a public enterprise is simply the cost of operation as 
above, plus a pro-rata contribution to the maintenance of order and government, which 
is the equivalent of present taxation ; the entire product beyond this is profit. Inter- 
est is money paid for the use of capital, and when the producer works with his own 
capital, all he pavs for the use of it is the cost of keeping it in repair, which, in the 
case we are considering, is included in the expenses or operation. It is evident that 
there is a good foundation for refusing to allow the introduction of an interest charge 
among the items of expense in a municipal plant free of debt. It will not do to say 
that the town might have put its money out at interest instead of building an electric- 
light plant; if it had, it would simply have received $10 interest with one hand, and 
paid out $10 interest with the other to a private electric-light company, and have been, 
In respect to interest, precisely where it is now, with an investment on which no in- 
terest is figured. Moreover, in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred, the municipal- 
ity would never have been able to invest such money at interest— would never have 
had the money to invest —except for the movement toward public operation of city 
franchises. The common people are just so much ahead every time a municipal 
enterprise is started; it is just that much more property than they would otherwise 
be able to accumulate. 

Public ownership does not involve the payment of interest by the people, it re- 
lieves them from the payment of interest. In the process of attaining public owner- 
ship, interest may have to be paid if money is borrowed to build or purchase the 
plant: but such interest is no part of the cost of producing light under public owner- 
ship, it is only a part of the cost of the change to public ownership ; the moment the 
change is complete, and full public ownership really exists, interest ceases. 

The ownership of a municipal plant is supposed to be in the people, although the 
plant may be in debt. In respect to control and other very important attributes of 
ownership, this is true, but in respect to the attribute of free use without tribute, it 
is not true ; the creditor is in substance a part-owner, and public ownership is not 
perfected until the title is clear of debt. 

The whole matter may be made very clear, I think, in this way. The total cost of 
production during a given time is the entire amount expended in investment and 
operating expense, minus the remainder values on hand at the end of said time. If 
the plant is worth as much at the end of the year as at the beginning, the actual ex- 
penditures daring the year constitute the cost of production. If the plant is worth 
$1,000 less in productive value at the end of the year than at the beginning, $1,000 of 
the original Investment has been ground up into product, and not replaced or bal- 
anced, so that the cost of the year's product is the year's expenditure, plus $1,000. If 
the labor and material put into the plant not only balance the depreciation, but make 
the plant worth $1,000 more at the end of the year than at the beginning, the cost of 
production during the year is the year's expenditure minus the $1,000 which did not 
go into the product, but into investment, and is still on hand. The application of 
these principles will evidently give the true cost of production, and clearly there is no 
place for interest in these calculations, when the plant is free of debt. Actual cur- 
rent expenses for operation, insurance, and safety, plus the portion of the investment 
that has gone into the product, which is another way of saying depreciation — that 
formula covers the whole cost. The application of the said principles is a very simple 
matter, when once we know the probable life of the capital invested, or, in other words, 
the rate of depreciation. In respect to about six-sevenths of the investment, we can 
determine this rate with a high degree of certainty, and in respect to the other one- 
seventh, the rate is determinable within limits which reduce the possible error per 
standard arc to about $4 a year. The evidence of this will be given in § 3. It is suffi- 
cient now to disclose the principle of our calculations, so that the reader may see that 
they cover all the elements of the case. 

Some of those who criticise municipal officers for not adding taxes, interest, etc., 
declare that if due allowance were made for fixed charges, the results would show 
that the people pay more for their lamps under public ownership than under private. 
It needs but a moment to see that even at the most extravagant rates, interest, taxes, 
etc., could never fill the gap between the two columns of figures in Table X. The 
investment per lamp in Bangor is $160; even if we allow 15per cent for interest, taxes, 
and depreciation (which is more than is claimed by Mr. Foster, the strongest writer 
among those who oppose public ownership) —even at 15 per cent, the fixed charges 
in Bangor would be but $24 a lamp, making a total below $72, and leaving still a saving 
of more than half. In Peabody the investment is $177 per lamp ; making a total cost 
of $80 a lamp if we add 16 per cent for fixed charges ; and still more than half the old 
cost would be saved. In Aurora, the investment per lamp is $250 ; 15 per cent is $38, 
making a total cost of $96 per lamp against $326— seven-tenths of the former cost 
saved, even admitting the largest claims in respect to fixed charges. So we might go 
through the whole list (as the student may do for himself with the data respecting 



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e 



THE people's lamps. 385 

Investment tabled later in this report), and we should find everywhere the truth 
which these few illustrations taken at random abundantly prove, viz., that it is an 
error to suppose that any fixed charges, even at the highest claimable figure, can fill 
the space between public cost and private charges. 

It may be said that private companies no longer charge such prices as are re-- 
corded in Table X. This is happily true in some cases, and one of the reasons is that 
the movement toward public ownership has compelled a reduction. When a city 
builds a municipal plant, it usually accomplishes not only a great saving in its own 
expenses, but a considerable saving also In the expenses of the neighboring towns 
and cities whose companies are not sufficiently intrenched to be beyond fearing the 
effects of too great a contrast. In some parts of the country the tremendous fall of 
prices in the vicinity of public plants is almost as striking as the saving effect in the 
public plant itself. The increasing cheapness of the means of production has been 
jn part the cause of lower prices, out the success of municipal ownership has also 
been a powerful factor in the fall. These considerations do not apply to Jacksonville, 
where the figures express the public and private cost of an all-night incandescent 
16 candle-power lamp in 1896; nor to FeaboUy, where the comparison is of 1892 and 
1893 ; nor to seven of the other cities, whose former payments to private companies 
are paralleled in a multitude of places to-day. Even in respect to the four cities 
whose former payments were larger than those now demanded by private electric 
companies, the fact does not weaken the contrasts set forth in Table X, for it is not 
a comparison of the charges of private companies at some early date with the cost of 
municipal production at a much later date, but a comparison of payments to private 
companies immediately before the change to public ownership, with the cost of 
municipal production immediately afterward, or as soon afterward as the said cost 
could be definitely ascertained. A leap from a balloon 300 feet above the ground is 
none the less a tremendous and most interesting and instructive descent because the 
gentleman in the balloon afterward brings it nearer the earth, in the hope thereby to 
appease the longings manifested by his passengers for the solid earth. 

The gap between private prices and public costs is partly due 
to the economies of well-managed public enterprise, partly to 
the uncertainties of a new business, which are now, however, 
reduced to a comparatively narrow margin, and partly to the 
rapacity of powerful private monopolies. The latter generally 
operates most strongly in the larger cities. In many of the 
smaller places, as we saw in § 1, the private charges are not 
unreasonable, but at the best, a private company cannot afford 
to work at the rates which will sustain, a public plant. Even 
Mr. Foster, in speaking of the forty-nine municipalities whose 
public electric-light works he studied, declares that " more than 
half the number are places where it is very doubtful if a private 
plant could be made to pay under any circumstances." A muni- 
cipal plant requires no dividends.* 

Here are some interesting contrasts in the style of § 1, 
except that these are comparisons of public ownership with 
private instead of the former comparisons of one private plant 
with another. 

Table XI. 

The italicized cities are served by private companies; the others have plants of 

their own. 

Group A. Cost of Standard Arcs, 2,000 candle-power, all night, every night. 

Bangor, Me. $34 (46) Lewiston, Me. $43 (52) 

Boston $139 

* See other reasons for municipal success stated in comments on Table XI., p. 380. 



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386 THE ARENA. 

Dunkirk, N. Y. $46 (59) West Troy $61 (75) 

New York $150 

Allegheny $64 (73) Easton $85 

Philadelphia $160 

Group B. Cost of Sub- Arcs, 1,200 candle-power, all night, every night. 

Cambridge, Mass. $115 Brooklyn $146 

Peabody, Mass. $62 (70) South Norwalk, Conn. $47 (59) 

In this table the unbracketed figures following the names of cities haying public 

Slants, denote the total cost of production per standard arc, includingdepreciation. 
isurance, and all the elements of the said cost, as above explained. The bracketed 
figures represent the cost of production, plus taxes and interest at four per cent on 
the investment ; these figures serve to show about what the cost would be to a city 
borrowing its capital. Anyone who still believes that interest must always be added 
to find the cost of municipal production may use the bracketed figures for all compar- 
isons; he will find the results only a trifle less surprising than when the real cost is 
used as the basis of comparison. The committee feels like asking its own pardon for 
supposing that any one can hold Xh% belief just referred to after the convincing argu- 
ment it has just made to the contrary in the preceding pages of this report. It might 
also be well to ask the pardon of your honorable bodies for entertaining a suspicion 
that any one of you may be so dull or so prejudiced as not to be convinced by the said 
argument, if, indeed, you needed convincement on the subject at all. The committee 
hastens to excuse itself on the ground that its report may possibly be read by persons 
in other parts of the country where the people are not so intelligent as within your 
borders, nor so free from that density of ideas and Impenetrability of prejudice 
which formerly possessed the human race, and enabled it to give a welcome to new 
and unfamiliar thoughts somewhat similar to the welcome Gorbett gives a rival in the 
ring or that which Napoleon used to give the Austrians when they introduced them- 
selves to him in Italy, during the Mantua and Rivoli campaign. 

It may be worthwhile to dwell a moment on some of the con- 
trasts of Table XL Boston pays four times as much per stand- 
ard arc as Bangor. As compared with Bangor, Boston is at a 
disadvantage in the cost of power, but has a better volume and 
distribution of output, so that there ought to be very little dif- 
ference in the cost of the service in the two cities, the probabil- 
ity being that it should be lower in Boston. Similar remarks 
apply to Lewiston, which has a still smaller plant than Bangor 
— 100 and 150 arcs respectively. 

Turn to Dunkirk and New York. Both use 480- watt lamps 
burning all night, every night. In both the motive power is 
steam ; coal is $2 a ton in Dunkirk, $3 in New York, a difference 
of $5 per arc in favor of Dunkirk. But this is more than over- 
come by the volume and density of business in New York. The 
Dunkirk plant is confined to the business of lighting seventy- 
five street arcs, while the New York plants run 2,625 street 
arcs and an enormous commercial system that gives them 
a heavy load all day as well as all night. If New York owned 
her electric system, and managed it with honest efficiency, 
she would get her light for less than the Dunkirk cost. A few 
miles north of Dunkirk the heedless city of Buffalo still pays 
$127 J an arc, although her coal is as cheap as Dunkirk's, and the 
volume and density of business are vastly greater. — West Troy 



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THE people's lamps. 387 

has to pay $8.25 a ton for her coal, and runs her lamps extfa 
hours. The figures given are from a report made in 1894. A 
letter to me dated April 30, 1895, gives 115 arcs of 2,000 candle- 
power, burning fifteen hours out of each twenty-four, at a cost 
of about nineteen cents a day, which would indicate about $55 
to $58 for the ordinary all-night arc. 

The Allegheny plant lights 3,000 incandescents in the public 
buildings as well as the 620 standard street arcs, so that the cost 
of the latter cannot be ascertained with entire precision. The 
superintendent estimates that the street arcs cost twenty cents 
a night, or $73 a year, including interest, which would give $64 
for the cost of production. The coal used in the Allegheny plant 
is 95-cent slack, while Philadelphia plants use pea coal at $2.75 
a ton. With coal of the same quality, and plants of the same 
size and build, this difference of price would mean $9 difference 
in the cost per arc. But the pea coal is superior, and the cost 
of fuel per lamp per year is not very different in the two cities, 
$15 in Philadelphia and over $10 in Allegheny. Even if we add 
the whole $5, and take no account of factors tending to reduce 
the cost in the city of Brotherly Love, we still find Philadelphia 
paying twice as much for her light as she would if she had a 
public plant as well managed as that of Allegheny. 

Easton reports a steam street plant with 122 standard arcs, at 
$85 a lamp — coal $3 a ton. The plant is in debt, but upon 
the report sent to me it is not clear whether the $85 includes 
interest or not. If not, it is one of the least economical of all 
public plants, and yet it produces light at little more than half 
what Philadelphia pays — less than half, all things considered, 
for the $160 is only the payment made to the electric companies, 
and does not include the expense of maintaining the city bureau 
of lighting, a part of whose duty it is to inspect the lamps, and 
watch the electric companies, to see that they fulfil their agree- 
ments, and to make the usual payments, and the customary 
annual reports ; whatever share of the cost of maintaining the 
bureau of lighting is fairly attributable to the electric lamps, 
must be added to the amount paid the private companies. This 
is true also in Boston, New York, and Brooklyn. It is only one 
more illustration of the fact that competitive industry requires 
one man to do the work, and another one to watch him. In the 
public plants of Table XI, and in every well regulated public 
enterprise, there is but one charge for superintendence ; the head 
of the electric works inspects the lamps, looks out for the 
interests of the city, and makes the reports, which is much more 
efficient than the Philadelphia plan, as well as more economical, 
because if anything goes wrong, the inspector is not confined to 
an impotent complaint, often disregarded with impunity, but 



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388 THE ABENA. 

» 

has the power to command the immediate correction of the 
trouble. 

To return to the table. Group B contrasts a few places tbat 
use the sub-arc. For 151 lamps of 1,200 c. p. burning an 
average of 9.65 hours a night, Peabody pays $62 per lamp per 
year — $70 including interest on the electric debt, the plant not 
being yet owned clear by the people.* For the same service, 
Cambridge, an inoffensive village thirteen miles south of Pea- 
body, is compelled to pay $115, or $45 more per lamp, although 
the advantages of production are strongly with Cambridge. 
Brooklyn, with still greater advantages, was reported last year 
as paying $182 J, and is reported now (May 16, 1895) as paying 
$146 for the same lamp, burned the same number of hours. 
Forty miles northeast of Brooklyn is the town of South Nor- 
walk, with a little municipal steam electric-lighting plant, run- 
ning 98 street arcs. The dynamos are provided with switches, 
which enable the engineer to burn the lamps at 1,200, 1,600, or 
2,000 candle-power — the average for the year being 1,400 c. p. 
As the lamps are run till 1.30 or 2 o'clock on the " Philadelphia 
schedule," they are substantially comparable to all-night arcs of 
1,200 candle-power. The capital in the plant is not yet owned 
by the people, and the 4 per cent interest on bonds brings the 
total cost per lamp up to $59 a year ; the cost per lamp, includ- 
ing depreciation and everything but interest, is $47 a year, 
which represents the entire cost of production under complete 
municipal ownership — a cost that is less than one-third of the 
total expense in Brooklyn. 

In Table XI we used only the records of places close to the 
cities in whose behalf we are specially writing, because a com- 
parison near home is most effective ; but when we come to take 
a look at the whole country in § 3 we shall find many 
other examples of economy through public ownership, quite as 
marked as those we have mentioned. For example, La Salle, 
111., has a little steam street plant, making arcs at the rate of 
ten cents a night. It uses slack at 75 cents a ton, and runs 98 
full arcs all night on moon schedule, at a total cost — deprecia- 

* Dan vera, which is close to Peabody, and also has a public plant, obtains results 
very nearly like those of its neighbor — bare operating expenses $46 a lamp, total 
cost $70. Its 78 lamps run only to midnight. Brain tree, a few miles south of Boston, 
possesses a steam plant, running 118 arcs of 1,200 c. p. all night on the moon schedule 
at a cost of $47.55 per lamp for operation including insurance, and $69.66 including 
4 per cent interest and 5 per cent depreciation on the whole cost of the plant. Pitts- 
field, Mass., pays a private company $100 per light for the same lamp run on the 
same schedule ; and Mil ford, Mass., pays $100 for the same sort of lamp run only till 
11 P. M. Thomas A. Watson, superintendent of the Braintree plant, tells us in his 
report for 1884, p. 136, that " The price charged other towns in Massachusetts by 
private companies for 1,200 c. p. arc lamps run as ours are run, averages $95.38. The 
cost to the town from its own plant shows a saving of $25.73 per light, or $3,036.14 on 
all lights in use, which amount, if placed in a sinking fund each year at 4 per cent 
Interest, is sufficient to pay the whole cost of the plant In less than ten years." 



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THE people's lamps. 389 

tion, interest, and all — of about $40 a lamp. Before the pub- 
lic plant was built, the city paid $112 per arc till midnight, on 
the moon schedule. Marshalltown, la., has a steam street plant, 
using coal at $1.40 a ton, and running 64 full arcs an average of 
six hours per night at an operating cost of $19 per lamp per 
year and a total cost of $27 per lamp, instead of $125 as for- 
merly, etc. 

The question naturally arises, " How is it that public plants 
are able to make such tremendous savings ? " The reasons are 
many ; here are some of them : 

1. A public plant does not have to pay dividends on watered stock. 

2. It does not have to pay dividends even on the actual investment. 

3. It does not have to retain lawyers or lobbyists, or provide for the entertainment of 

councilmen, or subscribe to campaign funds, or bear the expenses of pushing the 
nomination and election of men to protect its interests or give it new privileges, 
or pay blackmail to ward off the raids of cunning legislators and officials, or buy 
up its rivals, etc. 

4. It does not have to advertise nor solicit business. 

5. It is able to save a great deal by combination with other departments of public ser- 

vice. The mayor of Dunkirk says : «« Our city owns its water plant, and the great 
saving comes from the city's owning and operating both plants. No extra labor 
is required but a lineman. The same engineers, firemen, and superintendent 
operate both plants, and the same boiler power is used." So in Bangor, Mar- 
shalltown, ana a number of other places, the municipal lighting system Is run in 
connection with the public water plant. In La Salle the fire, water, and light de- 
partments are consolidated. A great saving in the cost of labor and superintend- 
ence results. The larger the cooperation under a single skilful management, the 
greater the economy and efficiency, other things being equal. The plants in 
Allegheny, Easton. West Troy, South Norwalk, Feabody, Dan vers, and Braintree 
do not have this advantage of combination.* 

6. Public ownership has no interest to pay. Even if the people do not own the capi- 

tal, but borrow it, they can get the money at much lower rates of interest than 
private companies have to pay. Boston, New York, and Philadelphia can bor- 
row at three per cent— have borrowed many millions at that rate. Dunkirk bor- 
rows at the same rate ; Allegheny pays three and one-half per cent when she bor- 
rows ; Easton, West Troy, South Norwalk, Peabody, Braintree, etc., four per cent. 
Few places have to pay over five per cent. There is no debt on the Dunkirk, 
Allegheny, or West Troy plants, but these are the rates those cities pay when they 
borrow. As a rule private companies are obliged to pay from two to four per 
oent more than the municipality in which they are located. The Boston Electric 
Light Company reports its interest payments at six per cent— three per cent 
higher than the rate at which the city can borrow. The average interest paid on 
borrowed money by the private companies in Massachusetts is Detween seven and 
eight per cent, while the average at which the towns and cities of the state are 
able to borrow is between four and five per cent. 

In view of these considerations we cannot expect the private 
companies to furnish light as cheaply as the municipal plants. 
Under similar conditions of production they could not even 
come down to the bracketed figures of Table XI without forfeit- 
ing their profits. A consolidated public plant can produce light 
at a lower cost than is possible to a private company with equal 
efficiency of management, equally good construction, and an 
equal volume of business. These qualifications must never be 



* The South Norwalk plant is combined with the Are alarm, but as the total cost 
of the latter is $300 a year, it is practically nothing as far as concerns its power to 
bring into operation the law of economy by consolidation. 



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390 THE ARENA. 

lost sight of, for in tbem lies the explanation of some mysterious 
variations in the cost of production both in private and munici- 
pal plants. The few cases in which municipal operation is not 
as successful as it should be, are due to bad management or poor 
construction or both. The management may be bad because it. 
is hampered by politics, or because the manager himself is not 
the trained electrician and practical business man he ought to 
be. Cities are more liable to this kind of error than private 
companies, though the owners of the latter not infrequently 
place some favorite or relative in command with little regard for 
his fitness or ability. The excellent results of public electric 
plants show that, on the whole, their management has been very 
good, but there can be no doubt that if civil-service principles 
were firmly established, and all appointments were permanent 
and were made on grounds of merit and ability alone, the results 
would be still better than they are. 

Cheap construction is very poor -policy. It pays, in the long 
run, to buy the best engines and dynamos, and build the whole 
system with solidity and care. It does not appear that public 
works have suffered more than private from inferior construc- 
tion. The associations of private electric companies that meet 
each year are doing much toward making such errors impossible 
in the future, and for the development of better methods of 
production. It might be well for the managers of municipal 
plants to form an association also, and meet every year to ex- 
change ideas. It is certain that the formation of a National 
Codperative Supply Company to furnish materials at cost to all 
municipal plants would still further reduce the cost of light in 
public systems. 

The third qualification above mentioned, the one that relates 
to the volume of business, is. scarcely less important than the 
others. Very many municipal plants are simply street plants ; 
that is, they do not light stores or residences, or sell any light at 
all to the citizens, but are confined to providing light for the 
streets. It is a great mistake to limit a public plant in this 
way. If it is allowed to do commercial lighting as well as 
street lighting, the volume and density of its business is largely 
increased ; it has a day load as well as a night load, and the cost 
of production per lamp is materially reduced. The truth is 
that there should be but one electric system in any town or city, 
and that should be a municipal system consolidated with the 
fire department, water works, gas works, and street-car lines, 
and should supply light, heat, and power to all the citizens at 
or near cost, as well as illuminating the streets and public build- 
ings. In many places substantially such a system is already a 
realized fact, and we will now proceed to examine the results. 



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THE PEOPLE'S LAMPS. 



391 



With the single exception of Peabody, none of the public plants 
in Table XI supply commercial lights, a disadvantage which 
makes their returns all the more wonderful when compared 
with the prices of the private companies of Boston, New York, 
and Philadelphia, with their enormous commerce. 

Here are some public plants that sell light as well as provide 
for the streets.* 

Table XII. — Commercial Public Plants. 
Qroup A. 





Yearly cost 
per street 










lamp. 




St. Clairsville, 0. 


$28 


3,000 e. p. Average boors * night. 


Swanton, Vt. 


10 


2,000 o. p. all night, moon. 


Chehalis, Wash. 


8 


2,000 c. p. all night, every night. 


Indianola, la. 


7 


1,200 e. p. average hoars. 


Wellston, 0. 


7 


1,200c. p. '• « 


Grand Ledge, Mich. 


6J 




Madison, N.J. 


12 


incandescent 80 c. p. 


Newark, Del. 


4 


incandescent 



(Grand Ledge it taken from Professor Ely's figures, and Chehalis from Director 
Senior's report to the Philadelphia Councils; the rest are from returns made directly 
tome.) 

Qroup B. 



Albany, Mo. 


$0 


'•Commercial lights pay all expenses" (90 
street lamps 1,200 c. p. burned all night). 


Batavia, 111. 





" Costs nothing— all expenses paid by com- 
mercial light " (120 street arcs all night). 


Crete, Neb. 





Commercial lamps more than pay expenses 
(60 street arcs 1,200 c. p. till midnight). 


Council Grove, Eans. 





'•Commercial lamps pay all expenses— oper- 
ation and Interest." 


Middleton, Pa. 





" 600 incandescent pay all expenses." 


Oxford, O. 





"1,300 incandescent pay for the street 
lamps." 


St. Peter's, Minn. 





"Lights cost nothing— 1,000 incandescent 






pay all expenses." 



* Some public plants that sell light do so at rates that leave little or no margin 
above its cost, including interest, so that taxes may not be reduced till the debt is 
paid off. In other cases the field is so small and the lights required by the citizens are 
so few, that although there is a margin of profit on the commercial lamps, the total is 
not large enough to make much of a showing- With a fair volume of business, a mod- 
erate profit produces wonderful results, as the table shows. Where there is no debt 
even a small commerce at very low rates is quite effective in reducing taxes. For ex- 
ample, Kendallville, Ind., owns a steam plant with coal at $2.66 a ton. It runs 48 
standard street arcs and 17 commercial arcs of 2,000 candle-power at $60 a year each. 
The result is that the total cost to the taxpayers for street lighting, depreciation, 
taxes, operation, and all is only $30 per year per standard arc. 



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392 THE ARENA. 

Group C. 

Profit 

"Farm vi Up Vji £340 above all expenses, fixed charges, and oper- 

r arm viae, va. *o*v ating and glv j Dg the cJt * tne 76 *&xi 

arcs averaging 6 hours per night. 

T,n vprnp Minn 520 above all operating and fixed charges, and 12 

ajil » *?i uc, ^"«". -v streetarcs, free, of 2,000 c. p. 

Falls City, Neb. 650 a ^lw8tr ^iam ng f aild flxed charge8 » •** 

Rockport, Mo. 905 above all operating and fixed charges, and 66 

Alexandria. Minn Blends the light and water accounts. The 

Alexandria, minn. report ^^ year qq M&nh ^ lg86 ^ 

puts interest and operating expenses at 
$5,896 for the combined departments. 
The income of the departments, aside 
from taxes, was $6,052. At current mar- 
ket rates the street lighting was worth 
$1,000, and the fire-plugs $1,575, so that 
the total service of the departments is 
represented by $8,627, a profit of $2,731. 

Let us examine more closely a few of those splendid facts. St. Clairsville runs its 

Flant at a total cost of $2,350 (including 5 per cent interest on the whole investment), 
t sells 600 commercial Incandescent^, 16 c. p., and its income from them is $1,900, 
leaving $850 as the cost of the thirty 2,000 candle-power streetarcs, burning practically 
all night and every night — $28 a lamp for substantially the same service that costs 
New York $146 to $182 per lamp, and Philadelphia over $160 per lamp. 

Swan ton sells 1,650 incandescent* at exceedingly low rates, as we shall see in Table 
XIII. Its income for light and power is $3,356, and its expenses are $3,649, including 
interest at 5 per cent on the full value of the plant, leaving $293 for the taxpayers to 
shoulder as the cost of 24 all-night arcs, 2,000 c. p., and 15 all-night incandescent*, 
32 c. p., and 2 arcs near the station for which no charge is made— equal in all to about 
30 full arcs, at a cost of less than $10 each— $10 for nearly the same service that costs 
Boston $139 a lamp ; exactly the same, except in respect to the moonlight, which 
makes a difference in cost of about one-sixth : the cost of power makes another differ- 
ence of one-sixth, so that the Swan ton equivalent for Boston is about $14 per standard 
arc. 

lndianola runs a steam plant at a cost of $3,900, interest, depreciation, and all, with 
coal at $1.25 a ton. Its income, aside from taxes, is $3,600. leaving $300 as the cost to 
the town of 120 32-candle-power lamps, and four 1 ,200-candle-power lamps, equal to 44 
lamps of 1,200 candle-power or 132 lamps of 32 candle-power burning an average of six 
hours anight. Thecost per lamp is therefore $2.25 peryear for a 32 candle-power lamp, 
and $7 a vear for a lamp of 1,200 candle-power.— Wei Is ton has to pay 5 per cent interest 
oh the whole value of its plant, yet its income from 1,000 incandescent lamps leaves 
only $400 as the total cost to the city of 58 street arcs of 1,200 candle-power, averaging 
6 hours a night —less than $7 a year for an arc. Before it owned a public plant, the 
city paid $120 per lamp for the same service.— Hudson, Mass., pays $91 to a private 
company for a lamp of the same power, burning the same number of hours. Milford 
and Lynn pay $100 for the same lamp burning fewer hours. The lowest price charged 
for such lamps by Massachusetts private companies is $75 a year. The charges for 
32 candle-power lamps burned an average of 4 to 6 hours per night, run from $15 to $25, 
in place of lndianola's $2.25. 

The latest report I have been able to get from Madison only brings the account 
down to March 31, 1894. The plant then ran 1,777 domestic lamps and 411 street lamps. 
The net cost per street lamp was $9 a year, including interest, but depreciation brings 
it up to $12. The commercial lighting was rapidly increasing, 840 lamp applications 
being on file awaiting fulfilment at the date of the report. The business of Newark, 
Delaware, is also growing fast, and the superintendent thinks that, next year, the 
commercial business will pay for the street lamps. 

The results in Group A are very good, but a zero for the cost 
of electric street lamps is better still. It means $800,000 a year 
saved to the taxpayers in Philadelphia, $400,000 in New York, 
$260,000 in Boston. It is better yet to have a moderate profit 
from the public lighting system. 



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THE people's lamps. 393 

In Farmville, the operating cost is $2J580, the fixed charges are $600, and the in- 
come is $3,520 — a profit of $340, and 26 full arcs, averaging 6 hours a night, free. At 
current rates these lamps -would cost from $2,200 to $3,000, so that the Farmville plant 
saves at least $2,500 to the taxpayers every year.— The Luverne plant costs $2,925 for 
running expenses, $392 for depreciation and taxes, $423 for Interest, $3,740 total. Its 
income from commercial lighting is $4,260, leaving $520 profit, and 12 street arcs, free 
2.000 candle-power, burning an average of 5 hours a night, worth, at current rates 
about $1,000: wherefore the Luverne light plant saves the taxpayers $1,500 a year. 
The Alexandria plant, as we have seen, saves $2,700 to the taxpayers every year. 

And we are only on the threshold yet. Our towns and cities 
are just begi